• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.31-42
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• 2020

There is great confusion over what constitutes public diplomacy (PD), who its actors are, and the relevance of non-state actors. In the Korean context, in addition to the general fuzziness of the concept, linguistic peculiarities of the terms gonggong and gongjung both of which refer to public, waegyo, which is interchangeably used for international affairs, foreign policy and diplomacy, and juche which is simultaneously used for actor and agent, add more layers of confusion. While the term PD in Korea is based almost entirely on Western conceptualization, these linguistic peculiarities prevent fruitful conversations among scholars and practitioners on PD. Against this background, this research note explores and addresses conceptual ambiguities that pertains to PD and the policy discourse on the topic, particularly on non-state PD in Korea. The paper draws on Korean government's PD-related policy documents and Diplomatic White Papers and all relevant academic articles found in Korean-language journals registered in the Korean Citation Index (KCI), which are analysed to gain an understanding of the PD-related policy discourse in Korea.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.29-61
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• 2019

Within the discipline of International Relations (IR), the literatures on global governance (GG) and great power management (GPM) at best ignore each other, and at worst treat the other as a rival or enemy. On the one hand, the GPM literature, like both realism in all its forms, and neoliberalism, takes for granted the ongoing, disproportionate influence of the great powers in the management of the international system/society, and does not look much beyond that. On the other hand, the GG literature emphasizes the roles of smaller states, non-state actors and intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), and tends to see great powers more as part of the problem than as part of the solution. This paper argues that the rise to prominence of a non-traditional security agenda, and particularly of human security, has triggered a de facto merger of GPM and GG that the IR literature usually treated as separate and often opposed theories. We use the Ebola crisis of 2014-15 to show how an issue framed as human security brought about a multi-actor response that combined the key elements of GPM and GG. The security framing overrode many of the usual inhibitions between great powers and non-state actors in humanitarian crises, including even the involvement of great power military forces. Through examining broadly the way in which the Ebola crisis is tackled, we argue that in an age of growing human security challenges, GPM and GG are necessarily and fruitfully merging. The role of great powers in this new human security environment is moving away from the simple means and ends of traditional GPM. Now, great powers require the ability to cooperate and coordinate with multiple-level actors to make the GG/GPM nexus more effective and sustainable. In doing so they can both provide crucial resources quickly, and earn respect and status as responsible great powers. IGOs provide legitimation and coordination to the GPM/GG package, and non-state actors (NSAs) provide information, specialist knowledge and personnel, and links into public engagement. In this way, the unique features of the Ebola crisis provide a model for how the merger of GPM and GG might be taken forward on other shared-fate threats facing global international society.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.50-67
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• 2018

Heritage has entered the center stage of public diplomacy in East Asia. Competition to claim and interpret memories of World War II in East Asia has driven campaigns to list heritage items with UNESCO. State and non-state actors aim to use heritage listings to present a particular view of the war and related history to domestic and international audiences. This paper highlights the role of heritage soft power in East Asia's "memory contests" by examining the promotion of dissonant modern heritage in UNESCO's heritage programs. It conceptualizes heritage designation as a soft power resource in East Asia and presents a conceptual framework for understanding the hegemonic competition over the "memory regime" that emerged from the structural change in East Asia's regional order. It then uses this framework to analyze the processes by which state and non-state actors promote and/or object to UNESCO recognition of their sites and documents as heritage of outstanding universal value or world significance. The elements of this process are illustrated with case studies of two very different pieces of heritage, Japan's "Sites of the Meiji Industrial Revolution" and China's "Documents of Nanjing Massacre," which were enshrined as significant world heritage in 2015. While state and non-state actors in East Asia are increasingly recognizing the utility of heritage as a soft power resource for advancing specific historical narratives to an international audience, a backlash movement from civil society groups and governments in other countries prevents a purely unilateral interpretation. As a result, the utility of heritage soft power in this context must be significantly qualified.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.157-173
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• 2021

In the transition to a multipolar international system, the literature has focused on great power competition while little attention has been given to the strategic possibilities of smaller states. However, as a result of globalization, states are so closely interconnected that the primary strategies of even major powers are not to achieve zero-sum solutions but to create asymmetric dependency through which they can influence the behavior of other states and non-state actors. States are assisted in this effort by a variety of tools, including setting up institutions, direct economic influence and through building different forms of infrastructure connectivity networks. By discussing asymmetric dependency situations from the perspective of the great powers, the literature presents smaller states primarily as passive actors, paralyzed by their dependence on great powers. Our paper argues that interdependence allows smaller states to effectively influence larger actors and examines strategies from which smaller states can choose in order to influence the behavior of larger states. Despite an extremely asymmetric relationship between Myanmar and China, actors in Myanmar have sought to influence China's Myanmar policy. We examine a case study of the Myitsone Dam, including Myanmar's strategic aims, chosen strategy and limitations in maneuvering space. Semi-structured interviews with local decision-makers and stakeholders are conducted in order to portray the full picture. Our study concludes that further research on the influencing strategies of small states in response to asymmetric dependence can contribute to a better understanding of the interdependence of states.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.101-132
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• 2019

Why do some local rebel groups choose to form asymmetric alliances with large transnational terrorist organizations? This paper examines asymmetric terrorist alliance patterns by studying the international ties of domestic insurgencies in Southeast Asia. It uses data from Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Thailand to construct a theory defining the determinants of the choice of alliance strategies by terrorist groups. The findings conclude that rebels with limited aims prefer to act alone out of fear of entrapment. They are cautious of becoming associated with the struggle of transnational radical groups and provoking organized response from international and regional counterterrorism authorities. Local groups are more likely to seek alliance with an established movement when they have ambitious final objectives, challenging the core interests of the target state. In this case, the benefits of training and logistic support provided by an experienced organization outweigh the costs of becoming a target for coordinated counterterrorist campaign.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.15 no.5
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• pp.168-178
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• 2015

Besides the imposition of taxes and mandatory actions, why in a special rules needed in the contract between state and civilians. The contract between the state and civilian are unlike with civilian's contract in the comparable effect, even if the effect of the agreement and the parties bear the structural nature of the self-other agreement between private economic actors and there are a variety of different specificity. In other words, the agents of the contract with the state government for control of opportunistic behavior are very specific rules exist. Through this, even if it is the relationship between state and non-mandatory private realms of the contract, even if the area forced me to the fact that the difference can be confirmed. Representative of the government of the country to understand the delegate decisions and judgments and other opportunistic behavior always seem to exist on the possibility of such devices for the pre-control needed.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.17
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• pp.55-89
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• 2003

What are the international aviation regimes? It is said that they are sets of principles, norms, rules, and decision-making procedures of international aviation around which aviation actors' (states-actors, intergovernmental aviation organization, international aviation conventions, airlines and their organizations etc.) expectations converge in a given aviation issue-area for the purposes of the human welfare and the operations of the stable civil aviation. In this regards, the purposes of this study are focused on the aviation actors' shifts. Chronologically, international aviation regimes have been developed by some stages as followings; The 1st stage is the period from 1944 Chicago Convention to 1978 US Deregulation Act, when the aviation regulations and rules within the international aviation relations were implemented by Chicago-Bermuda regimes as Christer Jonsson pointed out. In this first stage, the sovereignty for the airspace over their countries is absolute. The second stage is the period from 1978 to '1992 Open Skies Agreement' between US and Netherlands. In this regime, airlines' activities as well as state-actors' have been actuated. The third stage is the period from 1992 to the contemporary. In this stage, airlines' activities for the consumers such as 'Open Skies Agreements', 'e-commerce business', 'airspace open policy within EU area', 'service open policy of WTO', and 'airlines' strategic alliance' are the central focal points in the world aviation relationship. In the conclusion, this phenomenon of the core actors in the international aviation rules has been shifted from the states-actors to the non-states actors especially, operating airlines, or consuming customers. Finally, I' d like to suggest that international aviation regimes should be developed to promote and facilitate the globalized level for the people's movements among the global aviation society. That is the way to proceed to the welfare and peace for all human beings of the World.

• International Journal of Contents
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• v.6 no.3
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• pp.89-96
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• 2010

The International air transportation industry provides a vital communication link which brings prosperity to many states in our modern age. This invaluable link has been threatened by terrorism. Airlines have been one of the most attractive targets in the eyes of terrorists for several reasons, including particularly the international and symbolic nature of aviation, and the potential of multigovernmental involvement which can inevitably generate wide publicity. Terrorist attacks against civil aviation have been committed since the earliest days of civil aviation history. The first attack against civil aircraft dates back to the early 1930s. Since then, aircraft hijacking and other forms of attack against air transport operations have become one of the most serious challenges to the safety of flying. In recent years, a new form of threats against civil aviation has appeared. Man-portable air defense systems (MANPADS) in the hands of criminals, terrorists, and other non-state actors pose a serious potential threat to passenger air travel, the commercial aviation industry, and military aircraft around the world. The purpose of this study is to provide some countermeasures against such attacks. In order to foster a better understanding of the problem, an introduction of MANPADS and a brief history of attacks using MANPADS are presented. It also examines the level of threats, trends of attacks using MANPADS and the possible countermeasures to be taken by the international community.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.327-331
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• 2020

In that this study is a subject and character of risk, emerging security covers non-military areas in addition to traditional military security: environmental security, human security, resource security, and cyber security. The rise of these risks is not only changing the phenomenon of the new expansion of security areas, but also the expansion of the number and scope of security entities and the aspect of security world politics. These risks are transnational security issues at the global level in terms of their nature and extent of the damage, as well as multi-layered ones that affect local and personal security issues at the regional and national levels. In addition to national actors, non-state actors such as international organizations, multinational corporations, and global civil society, and furthermore, technology and social systems themselves are causing risks. Therefore, to solve the new security problem, it is necessary to establish a middle-level and complex governance mechanism that is sought at the regional and global levels beyond the fragmented dimension of the occurrence of new security issues that have been overlooked in the existing frame of perception, and to predict and find ways to respond to new security paradigms that have been identified in a broader sense.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.26 no.11
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• pp.227-232
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• 2021

The 「Act on Special Cases concerning the Punishment of Crimes of Domestic Violence」 still has various problems in the legal system and enforcement process. Contrary to the original intention of the legislation, it is operated very passively in terms of state intervention and punishment of domestic violence actors in actual operation. Even if it is treated as a home protection case, if you look at the details of the protection disposition, there is a problem that the decision on the protection disposition is biased towards a specific type of protection disposition. In order to improve this, the need for cooperation and active intervention between state agencies is required. In addition, it is necessary to establish a legal basis for a request for personal protection by recognizing the status of a victim who reported domestic violence as a crime reporter. In addition, in order to secure the effectiveness of the protective disposition, it is necessary to strengthen sanctions for non-compliance or violations of the protective disposition.