• Journal of Distribution Science
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• v.19 no.10
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• pp.87-97
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• 2021

Purpose: Compared with the past when Japanese retailers used to hesitate to open their shops in the Korean market, because of anti-Japan sentiment, they show confidence in Korea in recent. This study, thus, aims at examining how socio-demographic factors have an impact on customer attitudes towards a Japanese retailer as a shopping destination. Research design, data, and methodology: After the literature review process, the authors have developed a variety of questions to verify the relationship amongst the variables like nationalism, consumer ethnocentrism, war animosity, store country-of-origin and anti-Japan sentiment. Furthermore, after collected questionnaires, the authors used confirmative factor analysis (CFA), T test and linear regression analysis to verify the 25 hypotheses developed. Results: Except for a household size element, it is found that gender, age, education and income levels are related to the degree of nationalism, ethnocentrism, war animosity, store country-of-origin and anti-Japan sentiment. In other words, socio-economic elements influenced Korean customer attitudes towards Japanese retailers. Conclusions: Korean customers tend to show different shopping attitudes towards the Japanese retailers, depending on the characteristics of socio-demographic elements. Furthermore, changing socio-demographic factors will provide positive business opportunities for Japanese retailers in the future.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.125-147
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• 2020

On the World Refugee Day in 2017, Yao Chen, a Chinese actress, philanthropist, and social media influencer, posted messages in her Weibo in support of the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR). Yet, social media users quickly interpreted this supportive message of the refugee program as encouraging people to "accept and receive refugees" (jieshou nanmin) into China. Particularly, the category of Middle Eastern refugees elicited most criticism in China's cyberspace. As the inclusion of refugees is an integral part of immigrant multiculturalism, this article examines the limits of multicultural imagination of refugees―particularly those from the Middle Eastern and North Africa―in contemporary China. I argue that the limits of multicultural imagination in contemporary China is profoundly shaped by an intricate interweaving of domestic policies and global imaginaries toward refugees. By deploying a mixed methodology, such limits are examined from legal-institutional, ideological, and sociocultural perspectives. More specifically, three interrelated aspects will be highlighted in the article: (1) the global circulation of right-wing populism imaginaries, and their entanglements with the anti-Muslim sentiments in contemporary China; (2) the current insufficiency of the legal-institutional framework regarding refugees and asylum-seekers, which needs to be contextualized in China's modern history of dealing with refugee issues; (3) population politics, the rise of Han-centric nationalism, and their constraining impact on the interpretation of historical events related to cultural diversity. In conclusion, this article also offers potential implications for further examining the different yet potentially intersected genealogies of multicultural imaginaries beyond the Middle Eastern and North African refugees in Asia.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.1-40
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• 2010

China and Southeast Asia share intimate relationships based on close spatial, temporal and human conditions. Thus, Southeast Asian studies in China boast of a long lineage of 'traditional', 'embryonic', 'closed' and 'opened' Southeast Asian studies. In the modern period the 'embryonic Southeast Asian studies,' professing conservative nationalism based on traditional Sino-centric perspectives, accumulated elementary knowledges on the history of Sino-Southeast Asian relations and Chinese communities in Southeast Asia. On the other hand, 'closed Southeast Asian studies' standing for radical Communism suffered from chronic stagnation. After the Reform and Opening, 'opened Southeast Asian studies' recorded impressive progress in the restoration and development of Southeast Asian studies. Nevertheless, 'opened Southeast Asian studies' are faced with some serious problems such as biased perspectives, traditional methods, and national subjects. Most of all, it is urgent to overcome Sino-centric perspectives on Southeast Asia. Despite the opening of Southeast Asian studies to the diverse methods of modern social sciences, descriptive studies prevail over analytical ones. Regardless of the diversification of subjects, national questions such as the overseas Chinese and cross-border nationalities are prone to excessive nationalism.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.217-261
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• 2011

This study is an attempt to construct a basic framework of analysis about China's political and economic influence on Southeast Asia through traditional Sinocentrism, anti-colonial nationalism, Cold War socialism and post-Cold War capitalism. As to the historical status of Southeast Asia vis-a-vis external forces such as India, China and the West, the colonial discourse tends to put excessive emphasis upon its dependence, and the posy-colonial discourse upon its autonomy. However, this study elucidates the political and economic interactions between China and Southeast Asia in a dynamic perspective, focusing on their reciprocal interactions beyond the essentially static dichotomy of autonomy and dependence. Chinese influence on Southeast asia can be divided into active and reactive one, with the former referring to direct and intended consequences and the latter to indirect and unintended consequences. In the historical process of active and reactive influence, both China and Southeast Asia were fundamentally proactive actors. Thus, the autonomy or dependence of Southeast Asia is just a question of relative one, with its actual extent and degree varying with specific spatial and temporal conditions.

• English & American cultural studies
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.185-206
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• 2014

The concept of the "diaspora" has established itself as one of the major topics in literary and cultural studies in the first two decades of the twenty-first century. Contemporary studies on this topic tend to regard is diaspora as either as a liberatory space unmoored from a repressive national identity-formation or as a condition pregnant with challenges to the authority of a nation-state or nationalism. Viewed from within the social realities of multi-ethnic nations, however, diaspora has an alternative, darker face. For, reproduced within the concept itself, is that of a hierarchy: this hierarchy is one in which a dominant group seeks to repress the same ethnic members for their failure to conform. What is more, the cultural difference, which diaspora is believed to preserve, lends the dominant group an excuse to re-ethnicize its immigrants, subsuming them under the same extra-national category as that of the people or homeland they have left behind. By analyzing a range of historical and theoretical models, this study offers itself as an attempt to clarify the current, and often confusing, understandings of the condition of diaspora. By delving into its political potentials and discussing their possible socio-political ramifications, the study suggests that researchers of diaspora need to anchor themselves in historicity lest they end up "speaking for" their chosen subjects.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.39-66
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• 2022

Modern Bulgarian nationalists aspired towards incorporating the self-identified Bulgarian lands into the Bulgarian state. The Treaty of San Stefano ending the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-78 tantalizingly achieved these so-called national ideals. Great Power diplomacy quickly diminished Bulgaria's borders and international legal status with the 1878 Treaty of Berlin, exacerbating nationalist grievances. Bulgaria would expand vast resources to restore the San Stefano borders until Balkan Communist authoritarian regimes eventually suppressed the Macedonian issue as a foreign policy subject. Sofia's policy towards its neighbor has been overdetermined by the efforts of successive Bulgarian governments to institutionalize post-communist Bulgaria's own national identity. Bulgaria's integration into so-called Euro-Atlantic structures, i.e., NATO and the EU, had been the primary strategic objective of the Bulgarian authorities since the end of the Zhivkov regime. North Atlantic community security policy aims in response to the earliest post-Cold War foreign policy crises in the Western Balkans framed the parameters of Bulgarian diplomacy. The stabilization of FYROM in 2001, followed by Bulgaria's 2007 EU accession, led to Bulgarian nationalist values become more salient in Bulgarian politics and foreign policy. Sofia-Skopje relations are a test case for the effects of Europeanization on interdependent Balkan ethno-sectarian nationalisms and state territorial institutional development.

• Journal of the Korean Association of African Studies
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• v.43
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• pp.3-48
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• 2014

ABAKO(Alliance des Bakongo) of Democratic Republic of Congo is an organization founded by an ethnic group who sought to preserve its language, culture and tradition. It later developed into a political organization and led an independence movement from Belgium. In 1950, Edmond Nzeza-Nlandu founded the ABAKO in Leopoldville (currently known as Kinshasa), the capital of Belgian Congo. ABAKO changed into a political organization, however, when Nzeza-Nlandu stepped down from his position and Joseph Kasa-Vubu was elected instead as the chief of ABAKO in March 21, 1954. The Bakongo nationalism, as a link between the Kongo Kingdom of the past and the Bakongo people of the present, had influence on their cultural identity, attitude towards authority, political orientation, a common ground for geographical boundaries, and provided foundation for group mobilization. Moreover, the Kimbangu Church, founded by Simon Kimbangu had close ties with ABAKO. They struggled to obtain independece from the Belgian colonial rule. In conclusion, the leaders and members of ABAKO regarded the 'ethnic, linguistic and historical' affinities as the identity of their Bakongo nationalist group.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.36
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• pp.203-228
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• 2009

ChaeHo Shin's major interests were in the ancient history, among other periods of the Korean history. Shin's depiction of history is characterized by having nation in the heart of history, whose tendency of nationalism was purposefully strong. In general, the nationalism of those times was emphasizing a 'strong' nation, just as in the case of Shin's theory, and at the same time stood for the theory of social evolution with a view to raising the nation in the front line of history. The nationalism, in association with the theory of social evolution, ended up having a propensity that criticizes imperialism on the one hand, and envies it on the other. This inclination is literally shown in Doksasillon (A New Guide to Reading History), which is ChaeHo Shin's research on the ancient history. Doksasillon is a historical essay that was published serially in 50 installments from August 27th through December 13th in 1908. Unlike the existing views in the late 1900s on the ancient history, among other ages of the Korean history, Doksasillon can be called a treatise with a focus on nation. Doksasillon is an incomplete study which can be divided into two parts, introduction and ancient times that is the first volume. It, nevertheless, shows the aspect of a powerful nation activist who tried to surmount the life-and-death crisis of nation by 'recalling' the nation in the period of the late-Joseon and the Korean empire in 1908 and 'rediscovering' the territory. It also reflects a slice of a historian's anguish that attempted to cope with the national crisis by virtue of the 'power' of history. It is ChaeHo Shin who 'rediscovered' the Buyeo tribe as the mainstream of the ancient history of Korea, and recomposed and materialized the ancient history. Shin chose the 'Buyeo tribe' as a principal race, and used it as a representative of the Korean nation in the ancient era, which was because Buyeo and Goguryeo were the strongest. The emphasis laid on the powerful nation in the history of Korea well reflects the efforts of a powerful nation activist in the age of the late-Joseon, and on the other hand, it shows how nationalism came to be formed in Korea. ChaeHo Shin is regarded as a person who lived in the age in which nationalism, which underscores the homogeneity of a nation, had to be stressed as a sole weapon for a nation who was left behind in modernization and whose rights were disseized. Dosasillon shows a process of reconstructing the history of DanKun and the Buyeo tribe and unearthing a hero who was valued as a savior of the nation, which was the reason that ChaeHo Shin wrote a history.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.223-254
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• 2009

This thesis is aimed at researching the formation of democracy in socialist China. Due to a sense of cultural superiority on the basis of their developed civilization, they already formed a strong cultural nationalism, which has come to firm up into "Sinocentrism" through long periods of time. However, there arose a sense of crisis due to the Western invasion after the Opium War and the intellectuals in China happened to seek the solution to rescuing their mother land from ruin; in the midst of this process, the theory of social evolution of the West was introduced and accepted. The acceptance of this theory of social evolution gradually transformed in confrontation with a logical limit that China defeated in international competition could not but be plundered by imperialism after all, but it contributed to Chinese intellectuals' forming the concept of the modern state nationalism of the West deviating from cultural Sinocentrism. After the Russian Revolution, a large number of Chinese progressive intellectuals developed their socialist movement with the recognition that Marxism was a practicable alternative to rescue China from its crisis. The Chinese Communist Party was under guidance of the Comintern from the early process of its formation, in which they emphasized the fact the national liberation struggle in colonialized countries was an indispensable element in the world communist movement under the condition of the control of the world by imperialist capital at that time and subsequently, Marxism characterized by resistant nationalism in China gained its cause. Afterwards, the People's Republic of China was established by the Chinese Communists which came to get widespread support from the Chinese through anti-imperialism &feudalism in the process of the Sino-Japanese War, and thus China equipped with a full-blown socialism system set sails. However, with the relations with the Soviet Union getting worse under the international conditions of a cold war, the development of the Chinese socialism couldn't but resort to the concentrated power of its people, which was linked to the boost of continuous patriotism of the Chinese Communists. Particularly, due to the newly-emerging contradictions after reform & opening [gig kifng], China underwent disruption; thus, as an ideology to integrate such disruptive elements, Sinocentrism based on China's cultural pride re-appeared. Recently, a very strong form of Sinocentrism has come to the fore as their superiority of traditional cultures is emphasized in China whose international position as an economic power has been raised.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.60
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• pp.5-27
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• 2012

The purpose of this study is to explore the journalist Song Kun-Ho's ideas of Korean Journalism. The journalist Song Kun-Ho was born in 1926 and passed away in 2001. He became a reporter in 1953 when he was a student at department of law of Seoul National University. He has worked for several media and resigned the executive editor at the Dong Ah Ilbo in 1975. At that time, while many reporters of the Dong Ah Ilbo struggled for the freedom of the press, he tried to protect reporters and independence of media. After his resignation of the executive editor, he wrote many columns and several books for Korean nationalism and the democracy of journalism. Instead of working for the authoritarian military regime, he chose a lonely and rough life as an intellectual journalist in action. Finally, he, as a president, established the Hankyoreh daily newspaper which was funded by tens of thousands citizens. He passed away in 2001. His ideas of Korean journalism are nationalism, democracy, and independency. These ideas are very important to restore democratic journalism which has been at risk during the Lee Myung-bak administration.