• 해양안보
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• 제7권1호
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• pp.31-60
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• 2023

본 논문은 북한의 SLBM 탑재 신형 잠수함과 핵 무인 수중 공격정 '해일'에 효과적으로 대응하기 위해 자항 기뢰와 초공동 어뢰를 결합한 융복합 무기체계를 제안하고, 그 효과성을 분석하였다. 자항 기뢰와 초공동 어뢰의 융복합 무기체계는 자항 기뢰의 은밀 매복 및 탐지 능력과 초공동 어뢰의 초고속 주행 능력을 결합하여, 각 무기체계의 장점을 극대화하고 단점을 상호 보완한다. 이 무기체계의 효과성을 분석하기 위해 국방전력발전업무훈령의 소요제기서 작성 기준을 참고하여 수중 유도무기의 작전 운용에 요구되는 성능에 적합하게 분석 기준을 선정하고, 기존 무기체계 대비 효과성을 수중 방어 지속성, 전투력 운용 융통성, 생존성, 지휘/통제, 운영 비용 효율성, 기상 영향 요인 등 6가지 측면에서 분석하였다. 또한, 시나리오 구상을 통해 이 무기체계의 실용성을 입증하였다. 자항 기뢰와 초공동 어뢰의 융복합 무기체계가 현실화 된다면 미래의 수중환경에서 한국의 안보에 매우 중요한 역할을 할 수 있을 것으로 기대된다.

• Biomolecules & Therapeutics
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• 제28권5호
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• pp.437-442
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• 2020

Activation of the NLRP3 inflammasome is critical for host defense as well as the progression of inflammatory diseases through the production of the proinflammatory cytokine IL-1β, which is cleaved by active caspase-1. It has been reported that overactivation of the NLRP3 inflammasome contributes to the development and pathology of acne vulgaris. Therefore, inhibiting activation of the NLRP3 inflammasome may provide a new therapeutic strategy for acne vulgaris. In this study, we investigated whether auranofin, an anti-rheumatoid arthritis agent, inhibited NLRP3 inflammasome activation, thereby effectively treating acne vulgaris. Auranofin suppressed NLRP3 inflammasome activation induced by Propionibacterium acnes, reducing the production of IL-1β in primary mouse macrophages and human sebocytes. In a P. acnes-induced acne mouse model, injection of P. acnes into the ears of mice induced acne symptoms such as redness, swelling, and neutrophil infiltration. Topical application of auranofin (0.5 or 1%) to mouse ears significantly reduced the inflammatory symptoms of acne vulgaris induced by P. acnes injection. Topical application of auranofin led to the downregulation of the NLRP3 inflammasome activated by P. acnes in mouse ear skin. These results show that auranofin inhibits the NLRP3 inflammasome, the activation of which is associated with acne symptoms. The results further suggest that topical application of auranofin could be a new therapeutic strategy for treating acne vulgaris by targeting the NLRP3 inflammasome.

• Strategy21
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• 통권31호
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• pp.27-56
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• 2013

The United Nations Command (UNC) and the communist North failed to reach an agreement on where the maritime demarcation line should be drawn in the process of signing a truce after the Korean War because of the starkly different positions on the boundary of their territorial waters. As a result, the Armistice Treaty was signed on July 1953 without clarification about the maritime border. In the following month, Commander of the UNC unilaterally declared the Northern Limit Line (NLL) as a complementing measure to the Armistice. Referring to this, North Korea and its followers in South Korea wrongfully argue that the NLL is a "ghost line" that was established not based on the international law. However, one should note that the waters south of the NLL has always been under South Korea's jurisdiction since Korea's independence from Japan on August 15, 1945. There is no need to ask North Korea's approval for declaring the territorial waters that had already been under our sovereign jurisdiction. We do not need North Korea's approval just as we do not need Japan's approval with regard to our sovereign right over Dokdo. The legal status of the NLL may be explained with the following three characteristics. First, the NLL is a de facto maritime borderline that defines the territorial waters under the respective jurisdiction of the two divided countries. Second, the NLL in the West Sea also serves as a de facto military demarcation line at sea that can be likened to the border on the ground. Third, as a contacting line where the sea areas controlled by the two Koreas meet, the NLL is a maritime non-aggression line that was established on the legal basis of the 'acquiescence' element stipulated by the Inter-Korea Basic Agreement (article 11) and the Supplement on the Non-aggression principle (article 10). Particularly from the perspective of the domestic law, the NLL should be understood as a boundary defining areas controlled by temporarily divided states (not two different states) because the problem exists between a legitimate central government (South Korea) and an anti-government group (North Korea). In this sense, the NLL problem should be viewed not in terms of territorial preservation or expansion. Rather, it should be understood as a matter of national identity related to territorial sovereignty and national pride. North Korea's continuous efforts to problematize the NLL may be part of its strategy to nullify the Armistice Treaty. In other words, North Korea tries to take away the basis of the NLL by abrogating the Armistice Treaty and creating a condition in which the United Nations Command can be dissolved. By doing so, North Korea may be able to start the process for the peace treaty with the United States and reestablish a maritime line of its interest. So, North Korea's rationale behind making the NLL a disputed line is to deny the effectiveness of the NLL and ask for the establishment of a new legal boundary. Such an effort should be understood as part of a strategy to make the NLL question a political and military dispute (the similar motivation can be found in Japan's effort to make Dokdo a disputed Island). Therefore, the South Korean government should not accommodate such hidden intentions and strategy of North Korea. The NLL has been the de facto maritime border (that defines our territorial waters) and military demarcation line at sea that we have defended with a lot of sacrifice for the last sixty years. This is the line that our government and the military must defend in the future as we have done so far. Our commitment to the defense of the NLL is not only a matter of national policy protecting territorial sovereignty and jurisdiction; it is also our responsibility for those who were fallen while defending the North-Western Islands and the NLL.

• 한국초등과학교육학회지:초등과학교육
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• 제32권1호
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• pp.104-112
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• 2013

We examined the strategies to stimulate the reflective thinking using science notebook for the improvement of problem solving ability which is one of the core skills for the future. The strategies we derived have four steps which are input, output, solving mission and reflection as my own mirror. We applied the strategies to the 6th grade class for autumn semester in order to examine the students learning process and the result. We could observe that students looked into their own learning and had a time to look back their activities in the class. We could also confirmed that science notebook would be effective to improve the problem solving as stimulating the reflective thinking. In addition, we could specify the strategy of using science notebook in the class. At a 'input' stage, students should be able to choose their own learning style as their preference and teacher need to give them proper feedback. Interaction with peers should be emphasized during the activities as 'question attack' and 'question defense' in 'output' stage and 'solving mission' stage. You should suggest the students various method to record their thought from looking back their classroom activities instead of mere writing. We also examine the students achievement from the students' notebook and Meta Cognitive Awareness test. As a result, students who had studied using science notebook showed statistically meaningful higher achievement than controlled students.

• 정보관리학회지
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• 제33권3호
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• pp.287-319
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• 2016

한국군의 해외파병은 국제사회의 일원으로서 세계평화유지에 기여함으로써 대한민국의 위상을 높이고 국가안보를 더욱 굳건하게 하며, 간접적으로는 국방력을 강화하는데 기여하는 등 상당한 의미를 가지는 당대의 사건이라 하겠지만, 관련 기록들에 대한 관리는 제대로 이루어지지 않고 있다. 해외파병업무가 진행되는 동안 생산되는 각종 기록들은 다양한 관련 기관으로 분산되어 관리되고 있어 개별 기록물들에 대한 검색이나 접근이 쉽지 않을 뿐만 아니라 특정 해외파병과 관련된 일련의 기록들을 컬렉션화하는 작업은 더더욱 어렵다. 또한 해외파병과 관련된 기록들은 대부분 공적 프레임의 차원에서 작성된 기록물만을 이관대상으로 하고 있어 일상 아카이브 측면에서의 기록물 생산 및 관리도 필요한 상황이다. 이에 본 연구에서는 한국군 해외파병과 관련된 기록의 현황을 파병절차, 관련 기관 및 파병부대별로 정리하고, 기록관리 측면에서의 문제점을 살펴보고자 한다.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제11권4호
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• pp.177-192
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• 2023

A prerequisite for a lasting ceasefire is the emergence of a prevailing view in Moscow and Kyiv that the fighting has reached a hurting stalemate. In sum, they both lose more through continuing warfare than by a ceasefire. This study applies social identity dynamics of nationalism to this escalatory conflict. It generates findings that imply that China as a third-party great power intervening mediator can potentially play a pivotal role. Shifting the respective prevailing views in Moscow and Kyiv of their interaction from a zero-sum foundation requires proffering powerful economic and political third-party incentives. Effective inducement would facilitate national defense, development and prestige for Moscow as well as Kyiv. China arguably has the underutilized potential power capabilities necessary to alter the respective prevailing views of strategic relationships among the great powers within Moscow, Brussels and Washington. A prerequisite for success in striving effectively towards this strategic goal is cooperation with the Beijing despite skepticism from Washington. This study utilizes a process tracing methodological approach. It highlights that the foundations of the Russo-Ukraine war lie in the institutionalization within Euro-Atlantic integration of the Cold War assumption that the USSR was an imperialist revisionist actor. Russia is the USSR's successor state. Moscow's prevailing view is that Russian national self-determination was unjustly circumscribed in the multinational Soviet totalitarian Communist system. The Euro-Atlantic community is perceived as a neocolonial imperial threat by allying with post-1991 Ukrainian nationalism at Russia's expense. The study finds that acknowledging Eurasian regional multipolarity is necessary, if not sufficient, to coopt Beijing into a global political stabilization strategy. It functionally aims to promote international balancing to lessen potentials for horizontal as well as vertical escalation of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict.

• 한국산림과학회지
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• 제99권3호
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• pp.298-303
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• 2010

목본식물의 초식에 대한 방어 전략을 알아보고자 호두나무와 가래나무 잎에 대하여 형태적 특성, domatia 구조와 수, 초식곤충과 응애 서식 여부 등을 관찰 조사하였다. 치악산, 청태산, 중왕산, 경기도 남양주시, 원주시에 생육 중인 개체목에서 엽시료를 채취하여 2009년 5월부터 8월까지 관찰, 조사하였다. 가래나무는 엽액 사이에 털이 밀생하여 공간을 만드는 tuft type domatia를 지녔고, 호두나무는 pocket 모양구조에 털이 나있는 pocket+tuft type domatia를 지녔음이 확인되었다. 소엽 당 domatia 평균 갯수는 호두나무는 19.6개로 나타났고, 가래나무는 28.3개/엽으로 큰 차이가 있었다. 잎 표면의 털은 호두나무의 경우에는 맥액의 domatia 구조에서만 성모가 있으나, 윗면 아랫면 모두 털이 거의 없었다. 가래나무는 잎의 윗면에는 거의 털이 없으나, 뒷면에서는 맥상에는 밀도가 높고 엽신에도 성모(stellates)와 점액질을 분비하는 선모(glandula hairs)가 많이 분포하였다. 가래나무의 선모는 매우 유용한 직접적인 방어전략이라 사료된다. 엽에서 관찰된 엽당 포식응애의 개체수는 수종 간 통계적 유의성이 인정되었으며, 가래나무가 호두나무 보다 포식응애의 개체수가 많았다. 가래나무에서만 엽맥의 말단부에 소량의 단물이 분비됨을 확인하였다. 이 부분에서도 호두나무에 비하여 가래나무가 우월한 간접적 방어전략을 지녔다고 사료된다. 가래나무 잎 뒷면에 선모를 밀생시키고 있는 것은 초식에 대한 훌륭한 방어전략이라 평가되며, 재배하는 호두나무 품종개량에서 이 형질을 도입하는 것이 매우 좋은 효과를 나타낼 것이라 사료된다.

• 한국산학기술학회논문지
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• 제17권9호
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• pp.647-654
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• 2016

방위산업은 경제논리보다 안보논리가 우선시되며 고비용, 장기간의 연구개발이 이루어져왔다. 하지만, 최근 몇 년간 급변하는 기술의 발전과 안보상황을 통해 방위산업에서도 체계개발간에 있어 비용절감과 개발기간 단축의 필요성이 대두되었다. 이에 민수 분야의 부품 모듈화 전략을 방위산업에서 활용하기 위해 OO 사업 LRU(Line Replaceable Unit)들의 모듈화 우선순위를 도출하고자 한다. 프로젝트 평가기법 중 하나인 GRA(Grey Relational Analysis)를 사용하였으며, 문헌연구를 통해 선정된 6개의 평가지표 데이터를 수집하여 OO 사업의 11개 모듈에 대하여 우선순위를 선정하였다. 그 결과, M11(메인보드)과 M8(EMI모듈), M3(싱글보드컴퓨터)의 Grey 관계등급이 0.83, 0.81, 0.80 순으로 도출되었고, 우선순위에 따라 모듈화 하는 것이 비용 절감 및 기간 단축의 효과가 있을 것으로 판단된다. 본 연구는 유사 무기체계 개발이나 향후 성능개량 사업 등을 고려한 LRU 모듈화 설계 시, 모듈화 적용 판단 및 의사결정의 근거가 되는 기초 연구로 활용할 수 있을 것이다.

• 한국산학기술학회논문지
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• 제18권6호
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• pp.596-608
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• 2017

2002년 제조물책임법(PL)을 시행하여 소비자가 제조물을 생산하고 판매하는 기업에 대하여 제품의 결함에 따른 손해배상을 청구할 수 있도록 하는 제도적 장치를 마련하였다. 그러나 최근 가습기 살균제 사건 등으로 인해 기업의 제조물책임 강화와 소비자 피해구제를 위한 집단소송제도, 징벌적배상제 도입을 위하여 제조물책임법 개정안 등 현재, 12여건의 관련 법안이 국회에 발의되어 있으나 정작 법안의 이해 당사자인 중소기업의 62.6%는 이에 대해 잘 알고 있지 못한 것으로 나타났다고 하고 있다. 많은 기업들이 PL 방어대책(Product Liability Defense : PLD)으로 문서작성 보관의 적정화, 관련업자와의 책임관계의 명확화, PL 보험의 가입 또는 배상자금의 확보 등으로 대비하고 있으나 이와 같은 대비책은 제품의 설계와 제품의 안전성을 고려한 부분에 대하여 한계점을 느끼게 한다. 이에 본 연구는 먼저 PL의 명확한 개념과 대응방안에 대해 살펴보고 PL 시스템과 개별 경영시스템 간의 관련성을 파악하고 제조물책임법에 대비한 PL 대응시스템을 기업의 개별경영시스템에 통합하고 보다 제품의 안전에 중점을 둔 개별경영시스템 모델을 제시하고자한다. 이 같은 연구목적에 따른 결과는 중소기업의 PL법 대응을 위한 합리적 대응방안으로 평가 받을 것으로 기대된다.

• Ocean and Polar Research
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• 제30권4호
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• pp.427-444
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• 2008

The most important bases of maritime laws in China are laws enacted by Constitution, a legislative institution of National People's Congress and Legislation of NPC Standing Committee. However, in reality, the institution, which become the basis of Chinese marine policy and leads overall maritime affairs, is a State Council of the Chinese central government and many objects of our researches on Chinese marine policy and laws are composed centering on this administration law. Therefore, in understanding Chinese maritime laws, it becomes an important prerequisite to understand relevant laws (statutes), administration law, statutes of local province, mutual authority relationships of these legislative institutions, and interpretation authority regarding laws (statutes). In May 2003, Chinese State Council ratified and declared ${\ll}$Guideline of the national maritime economic development plan${\gg}$ and this is the first macroinstructive document enacted by the Chinese government for promoting maritime economy in integration development. This plan guideline shows very well a new policy and deployment direction of maritime policy in China. China is already striving to lead its maintenance stage of domestic legislation into a new stage under the UN maritime laws agreement system and this is an expression of intention to take national policy regarding the ocean as a new milestone for the national economy through concurrent developments in various fields such as national territory, economy, science technology, national defense, and maritime biology. In this point, Chinese maritime policy and maritime legislation provide lots of indexes of lessons in many parts. In particular, regarding Korea, which has to solve many issues with China in Yellow Sea, East China Sea, and Balhae, we have to realize that we can maximize national interest only with a systematic approach to research on changes of domestic policies and maritime legislation within China. In addition, in understanding Chinese maritime related laws, we have to realize it is an important task to not only understand legislative subjects for mutual creation of order within the entire frame of law orders of China but also to predict and react to direction of policy of Chinese domestic legislation through dynamics of these subjects.