• 한일민족문제연구
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• 제34호
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• pp.5-40
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• 2018

This paper is to take note of national, social and economic movement, social & economic publicness of religion surrounding Yeonggwang, Joennam around 1910s. At first I would like to look at this period because regional society was in the middle of change of large transition before and after Japan's forced occupation of Korea in 1910s and March 1st Independence Movement in 1919. In particular we focus on spatially Yeonggwang in Joennam because this area is not only called as advent area of Buddhism earlier but also is unique regional culture and ideological topology where Donghak, Protestantism, Catholic, Institute of Won Buddhism and etc. Through casting light upon the above, it is expected to offer one clue for the question of internalizing value to be sought for in the national and social and economic movement by Korean religion around 1910 and public goods in the strategy and tactics to be selected and further publicness and practice lying in their awareness and behavior. In particular it is thought to have advanced the accumulation of case study of Yeonggwang in Joennam with representative 'place-ness' related to this. Along with this it is considered that our challenge is to restore and casting light again on common foundation of existence shape and publicness of various religions in the middle of national and social movement and economic movement in Yeonggwang of Joennam area. In other words, we expect that religions will continue individual efforts and common practices to urge social justice for historic and public value based on common good encompassing historic value, in other words, individual responsibility and social justice among social and economic conditions originated from Japanese colonial era.

• 정보화정책
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• 제18권2호
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• pp.3-22
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• 2011

온라인 사회운동 연구에 있어 가장 근본적인 관심사는 인터넷의 확산이 기존 사회운동에 어떤 변화를 가져올 것인가라는 점이다. 연구자들의 관심은 우선 인터넷이 초래하는 운동의 주체와 전략에 대한 변화양상이다. 인터넷의 출현 이후, 지리적으로 산재된 개인들의 수평적 네트워크 혹은 개별 네트워크들이 연합한 네트워크가 운동의 주체로 활동하는 새로운 현상을 낳았다. 또한 일부 연구자들은 인터넷과 사회운동의 결합으로 인해 나타난 '새로운 집단행동 전술 및 전략'에 주목하였다. 온라인 사회운동의 증가는 자원동원, 집단정체성, 그리고 정치적 기회구조 등에 관한 기존 사회운동 이론에 있어도 새로운 해석을 요구하고 있다. 인터넷이 사회운동에 미친 영향, 그리고 그로 인한 변화양상에 대해서는 여전히 많은 논쟁이 진행 중이다. 초기 사이버 낙관론과 회의론 간의 논쟁은 물론이고, 이후 중범위적 시각에서 진행된 연구들 역시 인터넷의 영향력에 대해 서로 다른 입장을 보이고 있다. 이는 무엇보다 온라인 사회운동의 역사가 불과 10여년 밖에 되지 않아 충분한 사례연구와 데이터 축적이 이루어지지 않았기 때문이다. 향후에는 기술진화에 따른 온라인 사회운동의 변화와 비교연구에 더 많은 관심을 둘 필요가 있다. 또한 연구의 시각을 사회운동 내부에만 초점을 둘 것이 아니라 정치체제의 차원으로 확장해, 온라인 사회운동이 정치적 매개집단 그리고 나아가 민주주의 모델에 미치는 영향에 대해 분석할 필요가 있다.

• 한국임상수의학회지
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• 제33권5호
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• pp.278-285
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• 2016

Epidemiological studies have shown the association between transportation of live animals and the potential transmission of infectious disease between premises. This finding was also observed in the 2014-2015 foot-and-mouth disease (FMD) outbreak in Korea. Furthermore, slaughterhouses played a key role in the global spread of the FMD virus during the epidemic. In this context, in-depth knowledge of the structure of direct and indirect contact between slaughterhouses is paramount for understanding the dynamics of FMD transmission. But the social network structure of vehicle movements to slaughterhouses in Korea remains unclear. Hence, the aim of this study was to configure a social network topology of vehicle movements between slaughterhouses for a better understanding of how they are potentially connected, and to explore whether FMD outbreaks can be explained by the network properties constructed in the study. We created five monthly directed networks based on the frequency and chronology of on- and off-slaughterhouse vehicle movements. For the monthly network, a node represented a slaughterhouse, and an edge (or link) denoted vehicle movement between two slaughterhouses. Movement data were retrieved from the national Korean Animal Health Integrated System (KAHIS) database, which tracks the routes of individual vehicle movements using a global positioning system (GPS). Electronic registration of livestock movements has been a mandatory requirement since 2013 to ensure traceability of such movements. For each of the five studied networks, the network structures were characterized by small-world properties, with a short mean distance, a high clustering coefficient, and a short diameter. In addition, a strongly connected component was observed in each of the created networks, and this giant component included 94.4% to 100% of all network nodes. The characteristic hub-and-spoke type of structure was not identified. Such a structural vulnerability in the network suggests that once an infectious disease (such as FMD) is introduced in a random slaughterhouse within the cohesive component, it can spread to every other slaughterhouse in the component. From an epidemiological perspective, for disease management, empirically derived small-world networks could inform decision-makers on the higher potential for a large FMD epidemic within the livestock industry, and could provide insights into the rapid-transmission dynamics of the disease across long distances, despite a standstill of animal movements during the epidemic, given a single incursion of infection in any slaughterhouse in the country.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제19권1호
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• pp.8-30
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• 2020

Most literature on the "comfort women" social movement focuses on the case of Korea. These works tend to transpose the meanings generated by South Korean organizations onto the transnational network, assuming certain homogeneity of repertoires and identities among the different social actors that comprise this network. Even though there is some degree of consensus about demands, repertoires, and advocacy strategies at the international level, does this same uniformity exist at the national level? In each country, what similarities and differences are present in the laboratories of ideas, relationships, and identities of social actors in the network? Symbolically and politically, do they challenge their respective societies in the same way? This article compares this social movement in South Korea, China, and Taiwan. My main argument is that the constitutive base for this transnational network is the domestic actions of these organizations. It is in the domestic sphere that these social actors reinforce their agendas, reinvent their repertoires, transform their identities, and expand their submerged networks, allowing national movements to retain their latency and autonomy. Following Melucci's relational approach to the study of social movements, this research is based on a qualitative analysis of institutional documents, participant observation, and open-ended interviews with members of the main social actors.

• 농촌지도와개발
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• 제4권1호
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• pp.121-146
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• 1997

Sunchon National University Farming Promotion Center is a unique social education institution for the farmers. This study intends to analyze the educational and training programs for future farmer candidates with a expert technology, successors to the rural leaders of Saemaul Movements, expert farmers, the students of farming practice courses in the Department of Agricultural Education, and the citizens participating in the social education courses. It is an urgent problem to recruit the experts in social education, and in specialized and advanced farm management technology. A committee for the betterment of the social education program should be consisted of the social education experts, and alumni of the Farming Promotion Center to share their farming information with one another. In order to achieve the successful goal in the education program of the Farming Promotion Center, the well planned field trips and the supervised farming practices should be secured, and the follow-up management system for the people finishing the courses of the educational programs should be formulated.

• 대순사상논총
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• 제19권
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• pp.193-211
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• 2005

Korean religionist have actively participated in the movements of national security and peace, human rights and dignity, freedom and equal rights, and other social issues. Recently, either progressive or conservative religionists have strongly shown their different approaches in solving social issues, i.e., national security and peace in connection of 'national security law.' A few religious leaders' public views have been misused by some politicians. It is important for both the religionists and journalists in religious newspapers how to bring a harmonious resolution among the people who are either in conservatism or in progressivism. Social participation of religionists is both to respond to the timely situation of civil society and to realize freedom, equality, and peace to the society. Although the principle of the separation of religion and state was established to secure both the right of politics and the freedom of beliefs, political groups have either utilized or suppressed religions. Some politicians have also wrongly applied separation of religion and state by excluding religious aspects in public schools. Religionists and journalists of the religious newspapers should not provide one-sided prejudice but to provide objective information and its righteous analysis to guide people in the right direction to solve social problems. Also, religious newspapers should open a field of discussion how to resolve some issues between the 'national security law' and freedom.

• 대한지리학회:학술대회논문집
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• 대한지리학회 2004년도 춘계학술대회
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• pp.94-94
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• 2004

In this paper the author surveys the available literature on "bioregionalism", a relatively new intellectual tradition evolved from the North American environmental social movements of the 1970s and 1980s. The so-called "bioregional approach" is gaining acceptance among environmental planners in North America and elsewhere, and has attracted the attention of some geographers. (omitted)ographers. (omitted)

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제12권1호
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• pp.287-292
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• 2024

The problem of odor and environmental pollution caused by livestock manure is spreading greatly as a social issue. To reduce the odor of livestock raised in livestock farms and improve the farm environment, raw materials of Abelmoschus manihot Jinhuakui were put into feed additives to measure the state of odor. It is characterized by being non-toxic and sweet, and Abelmoschus manihot Jinhuakui, which contains abundant nutrients that are beneficial to health in all parts such as roots, stems, and flowers, is a medicinal plant that cannot be discarded. In particular, it has the effect of helping bowel movements because it stimulates bowel movements. Ammonia levels were investigated through the KS X 3279 national standard-applied smart livestock IoT hub sensor pack installed at Flower Garden and Ugil Farm. The purpose of this paper is to reduce the odor that is the most problematic on farms and improve the environment, and it is planned to expand research into deodorants after feed additives. It is hoped that the research results will solve the livestock problem and help livestock farmers.

• 한국사회복지학
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• 제65권2호
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• pp.255-285
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• 2013

본 논문은 자활사업을 주요사례로 정부의 사회복지사업에 민간파트너로 참여하고 있는 사회운동조직이 어떻게 전문 사회복지기관과의 역학관계 속에서 자신의 자발적 정체성을 방어해나가는지 살펴보고자 한다. 군부독재가 막을 내리고 민주화와 진전되면서 과거 정부와 대립하던 사회운동단체들이 복지정책의 주요파트너로 부상했다. 저소득층의 일자리 지원사업인 자활사업도 빈민 실업운동진영과의 협력으로 도입된 복지제도이다. 그러나 사회운동에 대한 기존연구들은 사회운동조직이 제도화되면서 자발성이 훼손되고 사회복지 전문가와 기관들에게 헤게모니를 내놓게 된다고 지적해왔다. 이에 본 연구는 자활사업 관련 역사문헌, 심층면접, 참여관찰 자료에 대한 역사적 담론 분석을 통해, 자활사업의 도입시기부터 현재까지 사회운동조직의 자활사업 내 입지변화와 운동조직이 일선현장에서 사회복지진영으로부터 자신을 구별하기 위해 각 국면마다 구사해온 담론과 전략들이 있는지 추적했다. 본 논문은 사회운동과 사회복지의 갈등의 역사 속에서 사회운동진영의 생존전략들을 살펴봄으로써, 사회운동의 사회복지제도화와 전문화를 단지 사회운동의 지배체계로의 편입, 흡수, 종속으로 설명할 수 없고, 그 이면에 사회운동조직의 미시저항이 존재함을 드러내고자 했다.

• 대순사상과 동아시아종교
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.57-85
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• 2023

The politico-economic waives of Western imperialism and colonialism, along with Christianity, affected East Asia's geopolitical landscape in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. While the Korean people (of the Joseon Dynasty) witnessed the incompetence of Buddhism, Confucianism, and folk religions in maintaining social cohesion with a sense of frustration, the new religious movements (NRMs) emerged to provide altrnative teachings of hope through historical figures like Choe Je-u, Kang Il-sun (or Kang Jeungsan), Na Cheol, and Pak Chungbin. In terms of popularity, colonial Korea (1910-1940) was impressed by the native groups of Cheondogyo (=Donghak), Bocheongyo, and Mugeukdo. Son Byong-hee (1861-1922) was the third leader of the first Korean NRM, but both Cha Gyeong-seok (1880-1936) and Jo Cheol-Je (= Jo Jeongsan) (1895-1958) participated in the post-Jeungsan grassroots movements. How, then, did both of these new religions originate? How did they conceptualise their deities and interpret their teachings differently? What was their policy for national independence? The article explores the socio-religious leaders, historical origin, organizational structure, deities, teaching and doctrines, patriotism, and conflicts of both NRMs in a comparative context. As such, this article argues that they both maintained patriotic characteristics, but that Cha's Bocheongyo community with its ' 60-executives' system (60 bang) failed to manage their internal conflicts effectively. Meanwhile, Jo Cheol-Je of Mugeukdo had the charismatic leadership needed to maintain Mugeukdo, despite being seen as a pseudoreligion under the colonial pressure of Shintoism.