• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.1
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• pp.190-217
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• 2012

This research has studied the building awareness of Nu-Jeong that a view of nature and aesthetic consciousness to unite the nature are inherent by considering Nu-Jeong of scholars who left fame and wealth behind and retired to hermitage in the backwoods in the 16~18 Century. This is to clarify correlation with leaving nature as it is, namely, an ideal state that scholars at the time would enjoy, through landscape awareness accepted into Nu-Jeong literature. In addition, this research has tracked the ideologic flow that acts on space formation by clarifying Korean unique meanings inherent to Nu-Jeong's cultural landscape. As a suggestion for this, the interpretation through 'Pungsu location Nu-Jeong name's analysis Nu-Jeong literature analysis', etc. was tried, so its integrated conclusion is as follows. It is not a chance that scholars of Joseon have left numerous literature works singing the nature. They already had huge interest and knowledge on the nature, and achieved active poetic exchange by sublimating the praise of nature as literature. Nu-Jeong, which was a place of exchange like this, had cleanliness of the nature and ideological purity as an oppositional space on turbid political realities. The Nu-Jeong literature drew the nature into a literature space as it is, without doing abstraction or ideation on the nature. The owner of Nu-Jeong exclusively possessed such natural landscape in grim and independent postures, so it provided a clue of Nu-Jeong cultural landscape that this research aimed to discuss. Scholars who aimed to raise wide and large vigor filled in between the sky and earth got to convince that people are born from the nature, grow in the nature and finally return to the nature. What people are born from the nature and finally return to the nature is just consistent with Taoistic and Zhua-ngzi thoughts denying human work, and leaving nature as it is or nature itself remained intact which is an ideal state. The construction at the time is a vessel containing the spirit of the times of the era. This thesis has proved that the Nu-Jeong culture of scholars located on the central line of Korean landscape was the flower of Joseon's scholar culture by interpreting it semantically.

• Journal of Hospice and Palliative Care
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.8-18
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• 2019

Purpose: This study was conducted to better understand the illness experiences and palliative care needs in community-dwelling persons with cardiometabolic diseases. Methods: This qualitative descriptive study was conducted with 11 patients (and three family members) among 28 patients contacted. Interviews were led by the principal investigator in her office or at participants' home depending on their preference. All interviews were digitally recorded and transcribed by a research assistant. The interviews were analyzed by two independent researchers using a conventional method. Results: Participants' ages ranged from 42 to 82 years (nine men and two women). Three themes were identified: (1) same disease, but different illness experiences; (2) I am in charge of my disease(s); (3) preparation for disease progression. Participants were informed of the name of their disease when they were diagnosed, but not provided with explanation of the diagnosis or meant or how to do self-care to delay the disease progression, which increased the feelings of uncertainty, hopelessness and anxiety. Taking medication was considered to be the primary treatment option and self-care a supplemental one. Advanced care plans were considered when they felt the progression of their disease(s) while refraining from sharing it with their family or health care professionals to save their concerns. All participants were willing to withhold life-sustaining treatment without making any preparation in writing. Conclusion: Education on self-care and advanced care planning should be provided to community-dwelling persons with cardiometabolic diseases. A patient-centered education program needs to be developed for this population.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.318-345
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• 2013

This study was carried out with a focus on the factor on the periodical space organization of Daebodan (大報壇: the altar of great recompense) in Changdeok Palace, which is significant in terms of political history in the late Chosun Dynasty, and consider the factors in the formation of the structural system through historical records and drawings. Daebodan has the ideology of righteousness to the Ming Dynasty which the hierarchy of the Joseon Dynasty. who felt the crisis of the domination order, imposed as a solution after the Manchu war of 1636. In addition, Daebodan was built by complex factors that entailed the self-esteem of the 'Joseon Centralism Ideology (朝鮮中華)' and the desire of the sacrificial rituals for Heaven that were imminent to the kings of Joseon. Superficially, Daebodan has the spatial organization of the Sajik (社稷) Altar and the placement of an annex building, but had the applied placement due to limited topography and access to the backyard. Furthermore, the lateral structure of Daebodan multiply accepted various factors of the nine step's stairs, the hight of five cheok (尺), the circumstance of two floors that were showed in the altar and platform with small fences and an imperial order including the internal form of Hwangjangbang (黃帳房). Moreover, the name of the alter came from 'the Jiaote Sheng Book of Rites(禮記 郊特牲)' representing 'the suburban sacrifice ritual for Heaven (郊天)', and it was built by not only combining the system of the Sajik Altar in the Joseon Dynasty and China but also avoiding 'excessive etiquette (僭禮).' The point is a remarkable feature shown by the structural system of Daebodan. Thus, it is considered that the 'Notion of Confucian-Cultural Succession (中華繼承意識)' and the desire of the sacrificial rituals for Heaven were expressed by the structure and form of altar. This study examined the process of the creation, expansion, decline and disposal of Daebodan in a chronological order, and found that the ruling ideology of the governing elite by the political and cultural background of the era at each transitional point was reflected in the spatial formation of the altar. On the other hand, as a result of performing a field survey to find the location in accordance with Daebodan in drawing materials, there remains items such as worked stones from Daebodan, precast pavers and fragments of proof tile discovered in the surrounding of tora vine (Actinidia arguta) which is a natural monument of Changdeok Palace. As such, verification through future excavation and investigation is required.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.1
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• pp.16-33
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• 2012

Maehwa blossom(梅花) has been favoured in literary and artistic works in the East Asia as one of representing symbols of virtuous men's character. Maehwaseookdo(梅花書屋圖) is one of major forms of painting. This paper starts from the birth of Maehwaseookdo since it aims to examine the following points: its structural origin of the Gurimaehwachonsado(九里梅花村舍圖) style; how this style was distributed in Korea; process and features of Maegamdo(梅龕圖). The current academic world admits Maehwaseookdo is originated from an ancient story of Lim Po(林逋). Even though Maehwaseookdo and Lim Po story can be linked to a meaning of schoarly hermitage, ways to structure works are hard to compare paintings based on Lim Po story. While paintings related to Limpo story such as Banghakdo(放鶴圖) and Gwanmaedo(觀梅圖) depict a scholar(s) and a few Maehwa trees with cranes, Maehwaseookdo presents scholarly hermitage with a lot of Maehwa trees which encircle a house building. As other paintings related to Maehwa blossom were widely painted since the nationwide popularity of the theme of Maehwa, Maehwaseookdo was not drown throughout the whole period of time. Since Goryeo, Maehwa paintings including Sehansamu(歲寒三友), ordinary Maehwado as one of the Four Gentlemen's plants, and Tammaedo(探梅圖) which was based on ancient anecdote of Maeng Hoyeon. Maehwaseookdo, however, was created exclusively in the 19th century. In China a similar feature took place much earlier period which was in the 17th century. Accordingly we can assume that these patterns which paintings in particular styles were generated by particular cultural phenomena. The reason why Joseon's Maehwaseookdo works were painted exclusively in the 19th century was that Kim Jeonghee's party and Sin wi had acquaintanceship with Jang Sim(張深) who got work orders for Oh Sungyang(吳嵩梁). In these corresponding activities, two types of Maehwa paintings were exchanged. In China, scholars usually drew paintings in the type of Gurimaehwachonsado(九里梅花村舍圖) depicting scenic views of Guriju(九里洲) which was riverside area under the Mt. Buchun(富春山). This place surrounded by thousands and hundreds of Maehwa trees was where Oh Sungyang(吳嵩梁) was about to retire to hermitage in. In this repect, Joseon scholars painted Maegamdo(梅龕圖) depicting a scene of a shrine with Oh Sungyang(吳嵩梁)'s poetry books surrounded by Maehwa trees for paying tribute to the wall of Maehwa trees(Maebyeok(梅癖)). This seems to adapt the format of 'Manmae(萬梅)' which appeared in the type of Gurimaehwachonsado. One of the representing works of this, is painted or supervised by Sinwi. Paintings in two types with respective meanings were combined by which was estimated to be painted by Sin Wi, then it became a structural base of by Jang Sim(張深) This type of Maegamdo brought the popularity of Maewhoseookdo which once had another name of 'Manmaeseookdo(萬梅書屋圖)' by a group of scholars such as Jo Heeyong, in the 19th century. All things considered, this paper can be a sort of precedent phrase to find out the birth of Manmaeseookdo which was very popular in the late 19th century.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.3
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• pp.4-37
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• 2019

Buncheong Ware, which was produced for approximately 200 years from the end of the Goryeo Dynasty to the beginning of the Joseon Dynasty, was used for royal house and state affairs during the early Joseon Dynasty. Records of Buncheong Ware can be found with Jagiso and Dogiso, considered the place of production, in the 'Sejongsylrok jiliji'. This is notable, unlike celadon and white porcelain. However, compared to Gyeongsangnam-do and Gyeongsangbuk-do, the study of Jagiso and Dogiso in Jeollanam-do and Jeollabuk-do has been unsatisfactory. In this paper, we examined the locations of Jagiso and Dogiso in the Jeollanam-do prefecture. This study is focused on Najumok, located in the western part of Jeollanam-do. The following research results were obtained: First, the locations of Jagiso and Dogiso in nine areas were examined. These nine areas comprised Najumok and its immediate provinces of Haejingun, Yeongamgun, Yeonggwanggun, Hampyeonghyeon, Muanhyeon, Gochanghyeon, Heungdeokhyeon and Jangseonghyeon. Previous research results exist for some of the regions; however, only Buncheong Ware was used to estimate Jagiso and Dogiso. In this paper, we tried to discover a more accurate position of Jagiso and Dogiso through a comparison of the place names recorded in the 'Sejongsylrok jiliji' and the place names recorded in the 'Hoguchoungsu'. Also, pottery-related area names and Buncheong Ware obtained from the field survey were reviewed. Table 2 shows the specific positions of Jagiso and Dogiso in the areas examined. Second, it would appear that pottery was produced not only in Jagiso but also in Dogiso. This is because much of Buncheong Ware was unearthed in Najumok, Yeongamgun, and Muanhyeon Dogiso. However, it was only excavated from the Buncheong Kiln Site in Yucheon Village, Sangweol-ri, Yeongam-gun; there could be limitations regarding to the rest of the areas because only a field survey was conducted, not an excavation. A recent excavation at Donggok Village in Cheongdo-ri, Gimje also confirmed a Buncheong Kiln Site. There were two Buncheong Ware ('公', '上') artifacts excavated from the site, believed to be Gongnapjagi. In addition, Cheongdo-ri, where the Buncheong Kiln Site is located, was found to be an area in Wurimgokmyeon, a former Wurimgok at a Dogiso in Jeonjubu. Consequently, it would seem that Dogiso also produced porcelain (Buncheong Ware). If more data can be obtained from the excavations at sites considered to be Dogiso, the results of Dogiso-related research will be strengthened. Third, in previous surveys, field surveys and excavation surveys were based on estimates using artifacts, but the name of the location of the Jagiso and Dogiso may be confirmed more accurately by tracking the changes in the names of the administrative areas. Therefore, although it is important to conduct research using the results of surveys or excavations, changes in the place names or places related to porcelain must not be overlooked.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.34
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• pp.124-136
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• 2001

Among many different types of wares, we have amazing Sacred Water-pot(따르개, 注子) from Goryo-period(고리, 高麗, 918-1392). The stylistic peculiarity of Jung-Byoung(정병, 淨甁) is described in "Goryo-Dhogyoung, 고리도경, 高麗圖經", the classical design canon. It is said, "A sharpened mouth with narrow and prolonged neck is attached upon the broad mouth with thicker and even longer neck of the pot whose body intimates to the shape of melon." One could find this Jung-Byoung similar to the Indian drinking water jar, Kundika, which has been. even today, an everyday article in houses as well as in temples. In the early Buddhist cult, the object had been adopted as personal belonging of the Bodhisattvas(보살, 菩薩), especially of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara(관세음보살,觀世音菩薩). In short, the purifying character of water is met by the sacred ware to deliver the refreshing Sweet-Water(Holy-Water, 깨맑물, 단물, 단이슬물, 정수, 감로, 감로수, 성수, 淨水, 甘露, 甘露水, 聖水): For the holy purpose of fulfilling the thirst of people, of symbolozing the virtuous dharma. Thus, Ggamslkh-Byoung(깨맑병,淨水), the literal Korean name, denotes purifying and clarifying and clarifying water-pot to us. Among many other Asian countries, India, China, Korea, and Japan have a profound cult of the sacred water-pot(Ggamalkh-Byoung, Jung-Byoung, 깨맑병, 정병, 정수병, 감로병, 감로수병, 淨甁, 淨水甁, 甘露甁, 甘露水甁). Therefore, this charming holy object drew much attention not only from master artisans to shape and deliver them to people but also from painters and sculptors for their endowment of the sacred images dedicated to Buddha(부처,佛,佛陀). In China, the sacred water pot emerged in the period of Tang(당, 唐, 618~907)-Period and underwent much sophistication later on, I. e., from earthenware, ceramic-porcelain, bronze, and silver. However, the following represents a challenge to the well-known Goryo-Thangka(고리불화, 高麗佛畵) Painting of Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara to our speculation on the Sacred Water-pot(정병, 淨甁). The image suggests, when examined closely, that the Sacred Water-pot has been accompanied by, or placed in, a transparent glasswere(유리그릇) or crystalbowl(수정그릇)! We have no other physical proof of the existence of such a Holding-Bowl(받침그릇, 承盤), except for in this particular painting. This Holding-Bowl would have not been a mere elaboration on the practicality of controling the drips from the mouth of the pot. As in the chapter on Tang-ho(탕호, 湯壺), or thermal bowl, in the "Goryo-Dhogyoung" it advises readers that this style of bowl is to be filled with hot water, and thus function as a preserver of heat in the water inside the pot. As an offering to the Buddha, the Sacred Water-pot could have been used for serving him hot tea. Hence the sacred bottle is to contain the refreshing water, the water transcends to nectar, and the nectar is prepared as a nectar tea to offer the Buddha. For both the Holding-Bowl of Ggamalkh-Byoung(Jung-Byoung)and the Celestial-Robe(날개옷, 天衣) of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara, whose specified character is the Water-Moon(수월, 水月) in this particular Thangka(불화, 佛畵) painting, the transparency is essential. This is to refer to the purity and the lucid clarity of Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara and at a deeper level, to refer to the world of Buddhas-the Tushita(Paradise, Heaven, Eden, 극락, 불세계, 極樂, 佛世界). Howerver, without the discovery of an actual Holding-Bowl, accompanied by a Sacred Water-pot, such speculation will necessarily remain hypothetical. Nevertheless, there is an abundance of evidence of our ancient craftsmanship in jade and ctystal, dating back to the Bronze Age(1000~2B.C.) in Korea. By the time of the Three Kingdom-Period(삼국시대, 三國時代, 57B.C.~935A.D.), and especially the Silla(신라, 新羅, 57B.C.~935A.D.)-Empire, the jade and crystal ornamentation had become very intricate indeed. By the Goryo-Period(918~1392) and Chosun-Period(조선, 朝鮮,1392~1910),crystal-ware and jade art were popular in houses and Buddhist temples, whose master artsanship was heightened in the numerous Sarira-Cases(사리그릇, 舍利器), containing relics and placed inside Stupas(탑, 투, 搭)! Therefore, discovering a tiny part of the crystal or jade Holding-Bowl for the Sacred Water-pot and casting full light on this subject, would not be totally impossible. Lastly the present article shares the tiny hope for a sudden emergence of such a Holding-Bowl.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.37
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• pp.445-469
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• 2004

The Avatamsaka Sutra copied in ink on the white paper of Shilla Period is the oldest manuscript in korea. This Avatamsaka Sutra is volume 1-10 and 44-50 of the 80 volume's transcription. According to the postscript, written with 528 letters at the end of the volume 10 and 50, this sutra is made during A.D. 754-755, for six months by the order Master Yon-gi(綠起 法師) who founded Hwaumsa Temple(華嚴寺.) It explains the procedure of the ritual and production method of the sutra-copying, and also shows the 19 participants with their name, address, official title, and etc. When the sutra was founded, volume 1-10 were so congealed that we could not open the volumes. And volume 44-50 was prohibited to take photograph for preservation. According to the recent examination, it proved that this sutra is the treasure for the study of the characters made by Empress Wu Zetian(則天武后.) The characters made by Empress Wu Zetian(A.D. 625-705) are new shape of chinese characters which is different from the traditional characters. After the demise of the Queen, the characters were not used any more officially, but privately some people used the characters for personal tastes and interest. The characters in the sutra includes 512 characters of 13 kinds of Empress We Zetians'. Compared to the Tun-huang version of the sutra, this is far better treasure for the study of Empress We Zetians' characters in terms of the number of the character and the their use of frequency. The Avatamsaka Sutra of Shoso-in(正倉院) in japan copied in A.D. 768 does not use the Empress We Zetians' characters. In this respect, this Shilla Avatamsaka-Sutra is a unique one preserves the original forms of Chinese translation at that time.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.28
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• pp.3-33
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• 2011

The Office of Crown Properties was established to manage the property of royal properties as an institution belonging to the Department of the Royal Household in April, 1895. However, as the Great Han Empire established and various policies enforcing the power of the emperor became introduced, the Office of Crown Properties came to be expanded to a large financial agency that would be in charge of various financial sources such as Public Land and Maritime Tax. As the Office of Crown Properties came to manage various income sources, it classified the documents dealing with various government agencies in the Capital and other countryside regions by the unit of Section. The Office of Crown Properties classified the documents by Section and filed them according to Sending/Receiving subject. Sometimes, it filed one kind of document only but sometimes many different kinds of documents were filed together. The types of the document can show the characteristics of the document and the hierarchy of the related agencies through the document name. The fact that they filed the documents with different grades in one file shows that the hierarchy of the agency they dealt with was not the primary standard of the filing and that they did not file the documents by its type. The Office of Crown Properties did not file the related documents in the same file, either. We can say the documents are related if they were corresponded with other agencies while they dealt with a specific item. However, they did not file the related documents in the same file but distinguished sending documents from receiving documents. The reason why they filed different kind documents in the same file and separated the related documents in different file was they took 'whether they were sent or received' as the primary filing standard. They separated the sending documents from the receiving documents first and then filed them according to time regardless of the region or institution. The Office of Crown Properties primarily classified the documents by Section, classified the documents with the standard of whether they were receiving documents or sending documents and then filed them in a file according to the time. It means that the Office of Crown Properties came to create the Official Document Classification and filing system.

• Korean Journal of Breeding Science
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• v.50 no.4
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• pp.478-484
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• 2018

A soybean cultivar "Chamol" for double cropping for use as soy-paste and tofu was developed using a pedigree method in 2011 as a cross between "Shinpaldal2" and "Keunol." A promising line, SS99502-2B-89-1-3-4-1-1, was selected and designated as "Milyang210". It was promising and showed good results from regional yield trials (RYTs) for 3 years from 2009 to 2011 and released with the name "Chamol." It has a determinate growth habit, white flowers, gray pubescence, yellow seed coat, yellow hilum, spherical seed shape, and large seeds (27.7 g per 100 seeds). The maturity date of "Chamol" was September 18 (100 day growing period) in RYT and it is suitable for double cropping with winter crops such as onion. "Chamol" was resistant to bacterial pustule and soybean mosaic virus and tolerant to lodging in fields. Furthermore, the average yield of "Chamol" was 2.51 ton/ha in the regional yield trials conducted for 3 years from 2009 to 2011.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.49 no.5
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• pp.125-137
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• 2021

How can we explain the phenomenon of small, old alleyways in the city becoming rising commercial places attracting people from an aesthetic perspective? This research discusses distinctive aesthetic experiences of urban commercial alleyways, which are located on inner roads and consist of small-scale stores and explore the specific aspects of Sharosu-gil, located in Gwanak-gu, Seoul. The aesthetic experience of urban commercial alleyways is generated by the contrast with the refined urban fabric along main roads in terms of space, the gap between the old and the new, and the antagonism between the known and the less known. The approach to Sharosu-gil consists of the high-rise buildings along the main road built in the 2000s, then encountering low-rise buildings on inside roads built from the late 1970s to the present. Therefore, it is judged that the site has sufficient conditions to generate the aesthetic experience as an urban commercial alleyway. As a result of analyzing the street improvement projects, first, the official announcement of the name 'Sharosu-gil' was interpreted as an escape from the place specificity and garnered the acquisition of the characteristics of an alternative. Secondly, the improvement project for old-established signboards was interpreted as harmony between the new and the old and the loss of temporality. Thirdly, in the pedestrian priority road project, the pavement was interpreted as a reinforcement of the identity as an alleyway and the visualization of the area. Since the reality of urban commercial alleyways depends on the user's visiting, it is necessary to interpret alleyways from the perspective of the senses and aesthetics, not just from social phenomena or capital logic perspective. The study will cast implications for relevant schemes and data-driven research.