• 대한가정학회지
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• 제41권4호
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• pp.157-168
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• 2003

This study was to investigate differences or similarities in pregnant and childbirth practices of Korea, Hong Kong and the United States and of mother-grandmother generations in each culture. The subjects were young mothers(YM) have baby from 2 to 2.5 years and their mothers or mothers-in-law(GM) in Korea(YM=118, GM=118), Hong Kong(YM=126, GM=78) and the United States(YM=105, GM=105). The subjects answered the questionnaires on pregnant and childbirth practices were constructed by specialists of child study in Korea, Hong Kong and the United States. Statistical analyses were by Frequencies, Percentages, Crosstabs, One-wav ANOVA, Scheffe' test, t-test. The results of this study were as follows. 1. Mother and grandmothers of Korea more tended to believe in supernatal being of pregnancy, to expect son, to eat a resortive and a food to help conceive, to inhibit attending a funeral at the time of childbearing, to practice fetal education than of Hong Kong and the United States did. 2. Relating sexual intercourse at the time of ovulation, maternal health care during the pregnancy, childbirth in hospital, husband's being in the hospital waiting room when their wife gave birth were much more prevailant in mothers than grandmothers did in Korea and Hong Kong.

• 가정과삶의질연구
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• 제27권1호
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• pp.197-208
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• 2009

The purpose of this study is to examine the intergenerational transmission of mother-daughter attachment across three generations, and to determine whether the mother-daughter attachment of three generations influences the adult daughter's ego-resilience. The subjects of this study were 310 unmarried adult women aged 20${\sim}$29, residing in the Busan area, and their 310 middle-aged mothers. The mothers responded to two sets of questionnaire investigating their attachment to their mothers (G1-G2) in the past and the present attachment to their adult daughters (G2-G3). Meanwhile, the adult daughters were given questionnaires regarding their attachment to their mothers and their ego-resiliency. The measurements used for this study were the Inventory of Parent and Peer Attachment (IPPA) and the Ego-Resiliency Scale (ER). Among the distributed questionnaires, 265 sets were collected and 252 sets were actually analyzed using SPSS 12.0 after 13 sets had been excluded due to incomplete data. Basic statistics were used such as frequency analysis, Pearson's correlation and hierarchical regression analysis. The study results were as follows. First, the adult daughter-mother (G2-G3) attachment was explained mostly by mother-grandmother (G1-G2) attachment, daughter's age, and economic status of the family. The strongest factor was the mother-grandmother attachment which implies the transmission of attachment through generations. Second, among the factors that influenced the ego-resilience of an unmarried adult daughter, attachment to one's mother perceived by the daughter turned out to be the most significant. Especially, the more positive the adult daughter's emotion toward her mother and the higher the daughter's education, the stronger the ego-resilience of the adult single daughter was. It was concluded that the mother-daughter attachment remained consistent throughout three generations, which influenced the social-psychological adjustment of the adult unmarried daughter.

• 대한가정학회지
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• 제38권8호
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• pp.99-110
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• 2000

The purpose of this study was to investigate the differences in traditional baby-delivery practices between young mother and grandmother generations. The subjects were 118 young mothers and 118 their own mothers or mothers-in-law in Tae Gu district. Young mothers had the first baby aged from 2-to 2.5-year-old. The subjects answered the questionnaires on Korean traditional baby-delivery practices developed by the researchers based on literature reviews. The data were analyzed using Frequencies, Percentages, Crosstabs, and t-test. The results of this study were as follows: 1. More grandmothers believed in supernatural being who influenced pregnancy and used to be called as 'grandma Sam Shin', expected to have son, and had charms then young mothers. But less grandmothers had sexual intercourse at the time of ovulation, took physical care, and practiced fetal education than young mothers 2. On the other hand, no generation differences were found in dreaming of foretelling conception(Te Mong), eating a restroative and food to get pregnancy, and washing own's hair or body and avoiding attending a funeral near the time of baby-delivery. 3. Most of young mothers gave birth in hospital with the doctor's heap, whereas most of grandmothers did at their home with the help of the experienced old women. Most of young mothers'husbands were at the waiting room in the hospital, but about half of grandmothers'husbands were at work when their wives grove birth.

• 대한가정학회지
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• 제42권4호
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• pp.55-68
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• 2004

This study investigated differences or similarities of infant rearing practices in Korea, Hong Kong and the United States and in young mothers and grandmothers generations. The silbjects were young mothers(YM) with babies from 2 to 2.5 years and their mothers or mothers-in-law(GM) in Korea(YM=118, GM=118), Hong Kong(YM= 126, GM=78) and the United States(YM= 105, GM= 105). The subjects answered questionnaires on infant rearing practices that were constructed by child study specialists in Korea, Hong Kong and the United States. Statistical analyses were by frequencies, percentages, and $\chi$$^2$ The results of this study were as follows. 1. Kum-Jut was used to announce giving birth to relatives and neighbors only in Korea. Mothers in Korea were more helped in their recovery by their mother or mother-in-law than their husband, but the opposite was the case in Hong Kong and the United States. Most Korean mothers ate special foods after giving birth, but mothers in Hong Kong and the United Slates didn't. Mothers in Korea were more likely to avoid contact with strangers for a given period of time than mothers in Hong Kong and the United States. The babies in Korea were more often named by grandparents than by parents, but most of the babies in Hong Kong and the United States were named by parents. The greater part of babies in Korea didn't have childhood names or nick names, but most babies in Hong Kong and the United States did. 2. Mothers in Korea were more likely to give a banquet, exercise Dol Jab le, share foods with neighbors, and take souvenir pictures on the baby's first birthday than mothers did in Hong Kong and the United States. Most mothers in Korea tended to think that their baby's fiyst birthday was more meaningful than the other birihdays, but most mothers in Hong Kong and the United States didn't. 3. Some differences between young mothers and grandmothers generations in infant rearing practices were found in each culture.

• 공연문화연구
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• 제32호
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• pp.171-208
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• 2016

구비민요의 여성구연자 곧 여성가창자는 향토적 요소를 의식하지 않지만 향토성을 구연하는 현장의 소리 사설에 자연스럽게 반영하고 있다. 태백아라레이 가창자는 태백방언 어투. 토리와 지역적 요소, 창곡 등을 살려 연행한다. 황지 화전마을 쪽의 여성가창자들이 전통 아라레이를 연행하였다. 철암과 장성 쪽은 탄광지역인 관계로 족보 있는 토박이 노래가 적으며, 경북 북부 봉화 등 외지에서 유입되어 변질된 소리 각편이 남아 있다. 사설이나 창곡에는 정선아라리와 삼척메나리의 요소가 많았다. 현장성으로 볼 때 태백아라레이 각편들이 화전민들의 오래된 화전형 아리랑소리인데 강원도 구전민요 중 매우 고형임을 확인하였다. 태백아라레이 정체성을 전승하는 구연자집단은 생업 관련 소리 각편 부르기에 익숙하였다. 이러한 사정을 문화옥, 김금수, 김효정 3대의 여성가창자들은 아라레이의 과거와 현재, 미래를 통합하여 보여주고 있다. 이들 주도의 태백아라레이보존회는 가창자들의 시연적 공연활동과 전승 계보를 지속적으로 유지하고 있다. 문화옥 가창자는 평안남도 태천에서 출생하여 다섯 살 때 남한으로 내려와 삼척 하장에서 살다가 장성으로 들어와 재문곡에서 살았다고 한다. 6남매를 두고, 평생 농사일로 여생을 보내고 있다. 2015년에도 태백시 문곡동에 거주하며 마을잔치를 비롯해 동네 행사가 있는 날이면 아라레이를 즐겨불렀는데 옛날에는 태백일대 아라레이가 많이 불려졌기 때문에 자연스레 배워서 부르게 되었다고 한다. 생업 밀착형의 전형적인 토종 아리랑구연자인 셈이다. 김금수 가창자는 문화옥 딸인데 현재 태백아라레이보존회를 이끌며 태백의 소리(태백아리랑)를 찾아 연구하고 전수, 보급해 오고 있다. 어머니 문화옥의 가창맥락을 잇고 보존회 회원들과 지역민에게 광부아리랑, 태백아라레이 등을 전수하고 있다. 박효정 가창자는 문화옥 손녀로서 앞선 할머니, 어머니 세대의 장점도 온전히 받아들이고 미래 아리랑콘텐츠도 적절히 대응하고 있어 아리랑공연 차원으로 보아 고무적이다. 3대 여성가창자 사례는 아리랑유산의 창조적 계승 국면-원형 보존과 활용 재현국면-에서 전승론 시각에서 주목하였다.