• Korean Journal of Health Education and Promotion
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.1-27
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• 1996

Recently diseases related to personal health habit and lifestyle have become common in modern industrial society. These kinds of diseases can be prevented simply by changing one's lifestyle to be more healthy. As a result of realization our interest in general health has become stronger. The most basic environment for human-being in society is the home. Humans secure their livelihood, physically. mentally, and socially at home. Therefore health care at home is very important. In modern society the responsibility for this task is traditionally given to housewives. The purpose of this study was to measure the degree of the health knowledge, health concern, health behavior and family health care of the married women and to analyze its related factors. The subjects for this study. 1,100 married women who studied at social education institutes and who had children attending an elementary school or a kindergarten, were surveyed with questionnaires. The preliminary survey was carried out from Aug. 7, to Aug. 19, 1995. With complement of questions, the main survey was carried out from Sep. 11, to Sep. 30, 1995. The data was analysed by using the SAS program. The results were as follows. 1. General Characteristics (1) In the individual characteristics of the respondents, the married women aged 30-39 were 54.8%, the average age was 39.8 years old. 33.8% of respondents had 6-10 years of marriage period, and the average marriage period was 14.9 years. Most of them(96.5%) lived with their husband. Those who graduated from college and graduate school were 53.4%. And 68.3% of respondents had no job. (2) In the family characteristics, 69.3% of the married women had 3 or 4 family members and the average family size was 4.1 person. 60.0% of the respondents had 2 children. Most of the respondents(90.9%) had no married children. 84.8% of the respondents lived with their parents. Those who reported that the total family income was more than 2,500,000 won a month were 32.3%. When making the decisions, 68.5% of the married women discussed the family matter with their husband. (3) In the individual characteristics of the respondents, 51.5% answered they were in good health. 61.7% of the married women answered they obtained the health knowledge through mass media. 24.3% of the women answered they had patients in their family in these days. 67.5% of the respondents answered they could generally control their health by themselves. 2. The Health Knowledge, Concern and Behavior. (1) For the health knowledge, the average score was 11.8. The lowest percent of correct answer(27.8%) was in the item about the skin tests for tuberculosis. And the highest percent(97.%) was in the item about taking a rest. (2) For the health concern, the married women had the highest concern about washing hands. But they were indifferent to smoking. (3) For the health behavior, the highest score was in "changing socks and underwear everyday", and the lowest one was in "taking a regular dental examination". 3. The Family Health Care (1) For the family health care, the item of "using a drug with the order of doctor or pharmacist" had the highest grade(4.78), and "consulting with the family physician about the health problem" had the lowest grade(2.03). (2) Older women and the women with a longer period of marriage had the highest level of the family health care(p<0.001). The married women who had 3 children had the highest level of the family health care(p<0.001). Those who had 5 or 6 family member and higher income had the highest level had the high level of the family health care(p<0.01). Women in good health and those who had the health knowledge from health experts had a high level of the family health care. (3) For the correlation of the family health care and other variables, the health behavior showed the highest correlation with family heath care practice(r=0.74) and the second was health concern(r=0.43). The variables which could explain the family health care were health behavior, the health concern and married women's health status(r²=55.87). The most closely associated with family health care was health behavior(r²=54.93)

• Asian Journal of Turfgrass Science
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.171-178
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• 2008

We have found the clusters of tiny spiny puffball-like mushrooms growing gregariously in fairy ring (arcs) rimmed by a zone of darker green grass in the golf courses. Macroscopic as well as microscopic characters were examined for the morphology of fruiting body. Exoperidium is thin and densely spiny with minute fibrillae at early stage. The connivent spines were soft and quite persistent. In age, the fibrillae scrumble away with a powdery coating, which leaves white endoperidium becoming pale brown. It's interior was white and fleshy at first, but turns into an olive-colored dust as the gleba, the spore-producing tissue, develops to maturity and loaded with olive-brown spore mass. Then, distinct apical pore developed on the endoperidium. Rudimentary subgleba(sterile base) was narrow, chambered, delineated from the gleba by a membrane in young material. These characters suggested this fungus is a Vascellum, a member of the family Lycoperdaceae. The shapes of the spores were globose, echinulate, $3{\sim}3.5{\mu}m$ in diameter, thick-walled, and olive brown. Capillitial threads were $8-9{\mu}m$ wide, mostly colorless in KOH solution and thin-walled, which designated as "paracapillitium". This is an another character that distinguishes this mushroom from Lycoperdon spp. The spines developed on exoperidium were characteristically connivent; their apices joined together in a point, leaving a space below, which gives the appearance of vault to each group of usually 5 to 6 fibrillae. Based on the above characters, this fungus is identified as Vascellum curtisii (Berkeley). The characters distinguishable this from Lycoperdon pulcherrimum, and Vascellum pretense are discussed in detail. Control trial was also attempted. Strong vertical raking(SVR) followed by applying 500x detergent solution (Spark, Aekyung Co. Seoul) resulted in excellent control over any other treatments. In this plot, fruiting body was not developed throughout the end of mushroom growing season.

• Journal of the Korea Concrete Institute
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.293-303
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• 2012

Recently, as construction technology improved, concrete structures not only became larger, taller and longer but were able to perform various functions. However, if extreme loads such as impact, blast, and fire are applied to those structures, it would cause severe property damages and human casualties. Especially, the structural responses from extreme loading are totally different than that from quasi-static loading, because large pressure is applied to structures from mass acceleration effect of impact and blast loads. Therefore, the strain rate effect and damage levels should be considered when concrete structure is designed. In this study, the low velocity impact loading test of steel fiber reinforced concrete (SFRC) slabs including 0%~1.5% (by volume) of steel fibers, and strengthened with two types of FRP sheets was performed to develop an impact resistant structural member. From the test results, the maximum impact load, dissipated energy and the number of drop to failure increased, whereas the maximum displacement and support rotation were reduced by strengthening SFRC slab with FRP sheets in tensile zone. The test results showed that the impact resistance of concrete slab can be substantially improved by externally strengthening using FRP sheets. This result can be used in designing of primary facilities exposed to such extreme loads. The dynamic responses of SFRC slab strengthened with FRP sheets under low velocity impact load were also analyzed using LS-DYNA, a finite element analysis program with an explicit time integration scheme. The comparison of test and analytical results showed that they were within 5% of error with respect to maximum displacements.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.36
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• pp.347-377
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• 2003

China is a country with large agricultural areas and subject to frequent calamities. Drought is the top of them. It has been a key problem for development of agriculture in the country. In the long struggle against drought, Chinese have accumulated many rational and irrational experiences. The Dragon Kings Belief, which is popular in North China and discussed in a thesis, is one of their irrational experiences. The belief was passed together with Buddhism from India to China in the Tang Dynasty. After it settled down, it was incorporated with the local five dragons belief and a set of beliefs in dragon kings came into existence. The emergence of the dragon kings belief ended the history that the title of rain got was not clear in China and Dragon kings finally got the status. Irrigation is the lifeblood of agriculture in China. In a Chinese mind, Dragon kings are the most important gods who take charge of rain and thus offer the lifeblood. In understanding the nature and characteristics of Chinese traditional culture, it is important for us to make clear the origin and evolution of the belief, find out its nature, function and operation. In the every year beginning of February of the Fanzhuang calendar in the people of Hebeisheng Zhaoxian, would all hold a festival to offer sacrifices to the $^{{\circ}TM}^{\prime}longpai$. Longpai was regarded as the core of the temple fair, thus the native sons came to call this festival; "longpaihui". In this region the'Fanzhuang longpaihui'developed into a well knownand grand temple fair. It was able to attract numerous pilgrims with its special magic power, occupying a place in $China^{{\circ}TM}$ 'eryueer'festival with festive dragon activities. The dragon is a common totem among Chinese nationals. The belief worship of the dragon dates from the start time of primitive societies. Dragon oneself the ancients worship's thunder lightning. In the worship of the great universe, at first afterwards this belief with the tribe's totem worships to combine to become the animal spirit. In ancient myths legends, along with folk religion and beliefs all hold a very important position. The longpaihui is a temple fair without a temple; this characteristic is a distinction between longpaihui and other temple fairs. As for longpaihui must of the early historical records are unclear. The originator of a huitou system has a kind of organized form of the special features rather, originator of a huitou not fix constant, everything follows voluntarily principle, can become member with the freedom, also can back at any time the meeting. There is a longpaihui for 'dangjiaren', is total representative director in the originator of a huitou will. 'banghui' scope particularly for extensive, come apparently every kind of buildup that help can return into the banghui, where is the person of this village or outside village of, the general cent in banghui work is clear and definite, for longpaihui would various businesses open smoothly the exhibition provides to guarantees powerfully. Fanzhuang longpaihui from the beginning of February to beginning six proceed six days totally. The longpai is used as the ancestry absolute being to exsits with the community absolute being at the same time in fanzhuang first took civil faith, in reality is a kind of method to support social machine in native folks realize together that local community that important function, it provided a space, a kind of a view to take with a relation, rising contact, communication, solidify the community contents small village, formation with fanzhuang. The fanzhuang is used as supplies for gathering town, by luck too is this local community trade exchanges center at the same time therefore can say the faith of the longpai, in addition to its people's custom, religious meaning, still have got the important and social function. Moreover matter worthy of mentioning, Longpai would in organize process, from prepare and plan the producing of meeting every kind of meeting a longpeng of the matter do, all letting person feeling is to adjust the popular support of, get the mass approbation with positive participate. Apart from the originator of a huitou excluding, those although not originator of a huitou, however enthusiasm participate the banghui of its business, also is too much for the number.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.31-68
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• 1990

The concentration of economic power takes the form of one or a few firms controlling a substantial portion of the economic resources and means in a certain economic area. At the same time, to the extent that these firms are owned by a few individuals, resource allocation can be manipulated by them rather than by the impersonal market mechanism. This will impair allocative efficiency, run counter to a decentralized market system and hamper the equitable distribution of wealth. Viewed from the historical evolution of Western capitalism in general, the concentration of economic power is a paradox in that it is a product of the free market system itself. The economic principle of natural discrimination works so that a few big firms preempt scarce resources and market opportunities. Prominent historical examples include trusts in America, Konzern in Germany and Zaibatsu in Japan in the early twentieth century. In other words, the concentration of economic power is the outcome as well as the antithesis of free competition. As long as judgment of the economic system at large depends upon the value systems of individuals, therefore, the issue of how to evaluate the concentration of economic power will inevitably be tinged with ideology. We have witnessed several different approaches to this problem such as communism, fascism and revised capitalism, and the last one seems to be the only surviving alternative. The concentration of economic power in Korea can be summarily represented by the "jaebol," namely, the conglomerate business group, the majority of whose member firms are monopolistic or oligopolistic in their respective markets and are owned by particular individuals. The jaebol has many dimensions in its size, but to sketch its magnitude, the share of the jaebol in the manufacturing sector reached 37.3% in shipment and 17.6% in employment as of 1989. The concentration of economic power can be ascribed to a number of causes. In the early stages of economic development, when the market system is immature, entrepreneurship must fill the gap inherent in the market in addition to performing its customary managerial function. Entrepreneurship of this sort is a scarce resource and becomes even more valuable as the target rate of economic growth gets higher. Entrepreneurship can neither be readily obtained in the market nor exhausted despite repeated use. Because of these peculiarities, economic power is bound to be concentrated in the hands of a few entrepreneurs and their business groups. It goes without saying, however, that the issue of whether the full exercise of money-making entrepreneurship is compatible with social mores is a different matter entirely. The rapidity of the concentration of economic power can also be traced to the diversification of business groups. The transplantation of advanced technology oriented toward mass production tends to saturate the small domestic market quite early and allows a firm to expand into new markets by making use of excess capacity and of monopoly profits. One of the reasons why the jaebol issue has become so acute in Korea lies in the nature of the government-business relationship. The Korean government has set economic development as its foremost national goal and, since then, has intervened profoundly in the private sector. Since most strategic industries promoted by the government required a huge capacity in technology, capital and manpower, big firms were favored over smaller firms, and the benefits of industrial policy naturally accrued to large business groups. The concentration of economic power which occured along the way was, therefore, not necessarily a product of the market system. At the same time, the concentration of ownership in business groups has been left largely intact as they have customarily met capital requirements by means of debt. The real advantage enjoyed by large business groups lies in synergy due to multiplant and multiproduct production. Even these effects, however, cannot always be considered socially optimal, as they offer disadvantages to other independent firms-for example, by foreclosing their markets. Moreover their fictitious or artificial advantages only aggravate the popular perception that most business groups have accumulated their wealth at the expense of the general public and under the behest of the government. Since Korea stands now at the threshold of establishing a full-fledged market economy along with political democracy, the phenomenon called the concentration of economic power must be correctly understood and the roles of business groups must be accordingly redefined. In doing so, we would do better to take a closer look at Japan which has experienced a demise of family-controlled Zaibatsu and a success with business groups(Kigyoshudan) whose ownership is dispersed among many firms and ultimately among the general public. The Japanese case cannot be an ideal model, but at least it gives us a good point of departure in that the issue of ownership is at the heart of the matter. In setting the basic direction of public policy aimed at controlling the concentration of economic power, one must harmonize efficiency and equity. Firm size in itself is not a problem, if it is dictated by efficiency considerations and if the firm behaves competitively in the market. As long as entrepreneurship is required for continuous economic growth and there is a discrepancy in entrepreneurial capacity among individuals, a concentration of economic power is bound to take place to some degree. Hence, the most effective way of reducing the inefficiency of business groups may be to impose competitive pressure on their activities. Concurrently, unless the concentration of ownership in business groups is scaled down, the seed of social discontent will still remain. Nevertheless, the dispersion of ownership requires a number of preconditions and, consequently, we must make consistent, long-term efforts on many fronts. We can suggest a long list of policy measures specifically designed to control the concentration of economic power. Whatever the policy may be, however, its intended effects will not be fully realized unless business groups abide by the moral code expected of socially responsible entrepreneurs. This is especially true, since the root of the problem of the excessive concentration of economic power lies outside the issue of efficiency, in problems concerning distribution, equity, and social justice.