• 복식문화연구
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• 제11권5호
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• pp.657-670
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• 2003

It is quite common today for bride to wear white-colored wedding-dress in wedding ceremony. When does the color date back to? What does the “white” mean? Which other colors had been used for wedding dress and why? This research paper aims to answer those historical questions through literature review. It is found here that the “white” began to be generally accepted for a wedding dress color in the 18th century, and that the color became an official one since the marriage of Queen Victoria's (i.e. 1840). Prior to that, other colors were taken rather than the “white”. In ancient Greece and Roma, “Red” and “Yellow” were used to remove devils or to bring fortune. In medieval society, luxurious wedding dresses were popular and various colors were adopted in order to show up family power among leading classes. The “White” has meant purity of bride since the 18th century. However, two world wars in the 20th century happened to lead some brides in economic difficulty wear “black” colored wedding dress for a practical reason. After the world wars, some light colors such as white, beige, ivory are to be used in wedding dress.

• 대한가정학회지
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• 제29권3호
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• pp.227-246
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• 1991

The study examined work and family life of married women employed in a manufacturing industry. Data were gathered from the use of face-to-face interview method from a sample of 230 married working women. The major findings of this study can be summarized as follows: (1) Most of the respondents found the work repetitive and unappealing, with the double burden of a paid work and housework. Thus, it is necessary for the government to implement social policies for married working women, such as establishment of various child care centers, part-time jobs, and dissemination of egalitarian sex-role attitudes. (2) More than half of the respondents were born in rural areas and immigrated to the urban sectors, forming a nuclear family structure. Most of these women were married with love, but some of them could not have a marriage ceremony because of the economic reasons. Thus, it may be necessary to increase the service centers to offer a free marital ceremony. (3) About 30% of the respondents answered they left their preschool aged children unattended, after dismissing from a kindergarden on a private institution. It was shown that working women, even though they were in charge of child-rearing, did not have an effective mechanism to control or protect their children while they were away from home. Most of them frequently used material compensations from their children in order to make up their absence at home. (4) It was found that the strategy for working women to decrease a dual-role conflict is to make a hierachy on the work they to do and to do only basic housework for everyday life and to do the rest of work on a off-day.

• 동아시아식생활학회지
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• 제11권4호
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• pp.235-246
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• 2001

The survey on the practice of the memorial ceremonial food in Chuncheon area showed it varied according to social position of officiator, location(inland or seaside town) , and personal condition. The study included the foods prepared for the memorial services on the memorial day. New Year's Day and Chusok. 1. 40.4% of the subjects were in the thirties at their age, 46.6% were high school graduates, 57.3% were the first daughter-in-law, 40.4% had no religion, 30.9% were working at public administration and earned less than 1 to 1,5 million won monthly. 2. 71.7% of the subjects who replied that the ancestor worship service had to be kept were Buddhists. 55.4% of them were high school graduates, and 58.8% of them ran independent businesses. They learned how to practice the ancestor worship service from their mother before marriage or from their parents-in-law after marriage. 3. The older the officiators, the better they wanted to keep the traditional format of the service, but the Christians and Catholics wanted to change the format to western style in the future. 4. 92.7% of them served cooked milled rice. They prepared the soup in the order of beef soup, radish soup and dried Alaskan pollack soup. 5. Among cooked vegetable dishes, bracken was used the most and balloonflower root, mung bean sprout and spinach followed. Among jeon(pan-fried foods). frozen Alaskan pollack was used the most and buckwheat, mung bean and meatball followed. 6. They served san-juk(beef kebab) mostly on the ceremony. Among the grilled foods, tofu was the favorite, and croaker followed. 7. Among the fried foods. squid was the favorite, and sweet-potato and shrimp followed. Among the dried foods. they used in the order of dried Alaskan pollack, dried beef and squid. 8. Among the rice cake and traditional confectionery, they used in the order of Yak-sik(sweet rice cake), Gang-jeong(fried glutinous rice cookie), Jeol-pyun and In-jeol-mee. Among a beverage, they served Sik-hye(fermented rice drink) mostly. 9. Among fruits, apples. jujube, chestnut and dried persimmon were served. Aong a liquor, Cheongju was served mostly. 10. Soy sauce, salt and salted fermented fish were served, too.

• 복식문화연구
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• 제8권6호
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• pp.871-886
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• 2000

The purpose of this study is to understand the culture on the Traditional Wedding of the West Gyeong Nam District. The traditional wedding was characterized that the bridegroom visited his bride's house accompanied by his honored guests(上客) and the marriage ceremony was to be held in day time, and then the bridegroom became a son-in-law and stayed with the family for a few days. The bridegroom returned to his home, leaving his bride behind. After a certain period, the bride came to her husband's home as a daughter-in-law. The Traditional Wedding costume of the bridegroom were Samo-Gwandae. The coat (outside uniform) was blue Danryeong ornamented with two cranes figured Hyong-Bae and Heukgackdae. In case Samo-Gwandae was not available, Dopo or Durumakie could be substituted and they put on shoes in this case. A bridegroom put on Mokhwa his feet and under the Samo, and he also put on Nambawie or Bokguen. He put on Dopo or Haeng-eui(行衣) or Durumaki under the blue Danryeong. The bride put on Wonsam and Chokduri or Hwagwan on her hair. In case Wonsam was not available, Chima Jogori style or imitational Wonsam, which was roughly sewed with red cloth and blue cloth contained in the Honsuham (Box of wedding treasure), could be substituted. She put on Hyang-guen to protect her body against the coldness and to hide her face.

• 복식문화연구
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• 제8권2호
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• pp.237-260
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• 2000

According to the study of Jik-Ryoung(直領) consulting chronicles of the Chosun Era, Jik-Ryoung had been worn for various uses as official outfit, ordinary attire or clothes for the celebration of their coming of age, wedding ceremonies, funeral rites, and religious ceremonies, etc. from the beginning to the end of the Chosun Era. The conclusions are shown briefly as follows. 1. There are several terms of Po(袍) related to Jik-Ryoung in the chronicles under the name of Jik-Ryoung Ui(直領衣), Ui-Sal Jik-Ryoung(衣撒直領), and Jik-shin(直身). Jik-Ryoung Ui is the other name of Jik-Ryoung that they called it when it was used for funeral rites and religious ceremonies. The chinese Ye-Sal(曳撒) was called the Ui-Sal Jik-Ryoung in Korea, but this is different with Jik-Ryoung regarding its divided up and bottom style. Jik-Shin is almost same as Jik-Ryoung. 2. During the latter period of the Chosun Era, we can find diferent frequency in use of the Jik-Ryoung. Jik-Ryoung was shown constantly in the cases of that ding, Chinese Prince and lower-level constantly in the cases of that king, Crown Prince and lower-level officials wore it for funeral rites and lower-level officials, artisans, merchants, humbles and slaves wore it for official outfit. Uses of the Jik-Ryoung increased for military officers'outfits, in contrast to decreasing of uses for ordinary attires of king, Crown Prince, and the commons, and official outfits of civil officials. 3. These different aspects mean the change of estate and role. For the basic four ceremonial occasions the ceremonies of coming of age, marriage, funeral, and ancestor memorial-, it appeared constantly. Therefore the social role had been maintained also by then. As an official garb, the role for official uniform of petty official maintained by the end of the Dynasty. But from the latter 1600's to the former 1700's, the roles for official garbs of civil officials and military officers decreased and increased respectively. Before the Hideyoshi's Invasion of Korea in 1592, ordinary social clothes had orders by people's social status who wore them ; those were Dan Ryoung(團領), Hong Jik Ryoung(紅直領), Jik Ryoung(直領), Cho'l Rick(철릭) in the order named. After the war, various Po(袍), Shim Ui(深衣), Jung Chi Mak(中致莫), Chang Ui(　衣), Jang Ui(長衣), Ju Ui(周衣) and so on had been worn until the King Young Jo(英祖)·Jung Jo(正祖) period. In result, the social role of Jik-Ryoung was reduced as the uses decreased more and more. For a mourning dress, it had a same aspect as the case of ordinary social wear. 4. Considering the color, they used blue for the clothes for doing-up-the-hair ceremony, white for mourning clothes, and white, black for ancestor memorial ceremony clothes. On the official outfits of officials, dark blue and black were used mostly. And lower-level officials'clothes had white, red, and green on them. They used red and green for the plain dresses. 5. Examining the materials, clothes for the celebration of one's coming of age were made of high quality silks, Kwang Hwa Dan(廣禾緞). Also, they made clothes for funeral rites of rough and thick linen, and made clothes for religious ceremonies of linen and hemp. The official outfits were made of practical materials like cotton, hemp and ramie. Cotton, pongee and satin were used to make ordinary attire.

• 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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• 제37권
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• pp.169-211
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• 2004

중국(中國) 광서성(廣西省) 전주현(全州縣) 동산요족(東山瑤族)은 한족(漢族)과의 교류가 일찍부터 활발했던 이유로 그 기층을 이루는 민속문화(세시풍속 통과의례 민간신앙 주거민속 농업과 농기구 등)가 대체적으로 한족(漢族)의 영향을 많이 받았다. 그러나 그 기저에는 요족(瑤族)의 전통적인 문화형태를 보존해 오고 있다. 세시풍속 중 모든 요족(瑤族)의 시조인 반고(盤古)의 탄생을 기념하는 명절, 여러 의례 중에 혼례 때 이루어지는 곡가(哭嫁) 같은 노래들, 상례(喪禮)에서의 의례형식, 요족(瑤族)의 신앙생활을 주재하는 사공(師公) 등이 있는 것들이 그러하 다. 또한 주거에 있어서 환경적인 요인과 생활습관에 의해 한족(漢族)의 것과는 부분적으로 다른 차이도 발견된다. 예를 들어 주택이 기본적으로 2층 구조라든가, 상량의식에 사용하는 도구가 틀리다는 점 등이다. 농업과 농기구는 기본적으로 한족(漢族)의 그것과 비슷하며 단지 지역적 차이로 인한 약간의 변형이 있는 정도이다.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제18권8호
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• pp.353-365
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• 2018

본 연구는 1759년 6월에 거행된 영조와 정순왕후의 가례에서 사용된 물품 중 보자기에 관련된 내용을 조사하고, 명칭, 옷감, 크기 및 용도, 사용상황, 외형의 특징을 분류하여 정리하였다. 또한 "상방정례"와 "국혼정례"에 기록된 보자기 관련 자료와 "조선왕조실록"의 혼례 관련 기록의 정리를 통해 보자기의 외관 및 사용용도와 당대의 생활상을 비교 분석하여 보자기가 담고 있는 생활 문화적 가치와 상징적 의미를 분석하였다 .18세기는 유교적 의례문화가 확립되고 실행되던 시기였고 왕실의례는 유교이념을 따르고 실천하려는 왕실의 의지를 백성들에게 보이는 실행의 장이었다. 따라서 왕실의 가례절차에 사용되는 모든 물품은 기능적인 용도 외에 백성들이 본받고 따를 수 있는 유교적 예법을 표현하는 도구이기도 했다. 영조는 혼례에 사치를 경계하여 본인의 가례에 사용된 물품에 대하여 사치를 금한 기록이 있다. "영조정순왕후가례도감의 궤"에 기록된 보자기의 재질은 대부분 홍주(紅紬), 홍초(紅?), 대홍광적(大紅廣的) 등의 무늬가 없는 옷감으로 영조의 검소와 절약 의지를 나타내고 있다. 영조 정순왕후 가례에 사용된 보자기는 우리의 전통 의례용품인 동시에 전통의례에 깃들어 있는 성(誠)과 예(禮)의 가치를 표현하는 문화유산이다.

• 복식
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• 제51권8호
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• pp.13-24
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• 2001

With development of our society, the Hanbok, which is the traditional clothing of our country, is mainly used only on the festive days or marriage ceremony or so as a ceremonial dress and seems lack in wearing as plain clothes. But in the other hand. with general public became no more unfamiliar with the representation of Korean realities and accepted them as a part of life in 90', the modernized Hanbok that features seasoning the practicality into the aesthetic natures of the traditional Hanbok has been rooting in our country. The existing researches on the modernized Hanbok, however. are focused only in the design of the modernized Hanbok, the present conditions of the modernized Hanbok business and the actual condition of the modernized Hanbok, and the aspect in systematic research on the customers'purchasing behavior is weak in comparison with other areas. The goal of this research, by focusing in the value which is the most basic concept of psychological components indicating the customers' behavior, was : first. to make clear the value of the modernized Hanbok and divide the customers into various groups : second, to make clear the characteristics on the population statistics by the groups divided on the clothing value : third, to make clear the individual differences among the customers of the modernized Hanbok : and forth, to make clear the basis on which to estimate the modernized Hanbok by the customers'groups. This research adopted the surrey inquiry. The first investigation is carried out on the modernized Hanbok purchasers and salesmen in Insa-dong where the modernized Hanbok business is massed. As correction and complement for the first investigation. the final investigation is carried out in Oct. 2000 with the 480 persons from twenties to sixties consisting of the modernized Hanbok purchasers and experienced persons in wearing it.

• CRM연구
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• 제4권1호
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• pp.1-18
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• 2011

삶의 수준이 높아지면서 명품의 대중화 성향이 강해지고 있다. 이에 따라 보편화된 고객관계를 위한 전략이 수반되어야 한다. 명품브랜드구매는 고객의 상징적 편익 추구와 관련되고 이러한 사회적 욕구에 우리나라 사람들이 보다 민감하게 반응할 수 있다. 이는 우리의 체면중시 문화와도 맞물려있다. 또한 공익과 소비의 관계도 고객들이 브랜드를 지속적으로 구매하고 호의적 이미지를 연상케 하는 중요한 대(對)고객 커뮤니케이션이다. 본 논문은 명품구매와 관련한 상징적 편익추구의 측면에서 공익과 연계하여 가치를 제고할 수 있고 여기에 한국인의 체면의식이 민감한 요인으로 작용할 수 있다고 판단하였다. 이러한 실질적, 심리적 고려를 통해 명품브랜드에 대한 고객과의 지속적 고객 관계를 형성할 수 있다. 본 연구는 한국인의 체면중시문화가 명품태도에 미치는 영향과 공익연계마케팅이 명품태도에 미치는 영향에 대해 실증하기로 한다.

• 공연문화연구
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• 제39호
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• pp.325-355
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• 2019

1791년 6월 12일, 노총각 김희집과 노처녀 신덕빈의 딸의 혼인이 이루어 졌다. 이 혼인식은 국가가 주도해 시행한 일종의 노처녀노총각 혼인 프로젝트라 부를 만한 것이었다. 혼인은 인륜의 시작으로, 때를 놓치면 천지의 조화로운 기운[和氣]이 상한다던 당대 통념을 염두에 둔 정조가 진두지휘한 국가 정책이었다. 정조는 이 사건을 이덕무에게 기록하게 했는데, 그것이 <김신부부전>이다. 민간에서도 이 혼인에 주목했는데, 이옥(李鈺)은 희곡의 틀을 빌어 <동상기>를 창작했다. <동상기>는 가난한 백성에게 덕화를 베푼 임금을 찬양한다는 주지 아래, 오락적 요소를 가미한 텍스트다. 희곡을 모방했지만, 공연은 염두에 두지 않았다. <동상기>를 두고 수준 낮은 작품이란 평가는 이를 고려하지 않고 완정한 극적 구성물로 이해했던 결과다. <동상기>는 극 형식만 차용했을 뿐, 주된 목적은 임금의 덕화를 찬양하되 다양한 오락적 요소를 틈입시킴으로써 축제의 장을 담아내려 했다. <동상기> 4개의 절(折)마다 각각 다른 문체가 사용된 것도 그러하다. 1절과 2절에는 설화와 속담, 3절에는 판소리, 4절에는 연극을 배치시켰다. <동상기>를 통해 공연하겠다는 의도 대신 무료함을 달래기 위해 여러 문체를 적용한 것이다. 이후 1918년 한남서림 주인 백두용은 이옥의 <동상기>에 기존 야담 <동상기찬>을 더한 동상기찬을 출판한다. 기존 연구에서는 <동상기>와 <찬>을 별개의 텍스트로 인지했지만, 기실 둘은 긴밀하게 연계되어 있다. 애초 김신 부부가 임금이 살펴줌으로써 인륜의 도리를 할 수 있었던 것처럼, 백두용은 근대로 전환하는 도정에서 누군가가 자신을 알아봐 줄 것을 고대했다. 나를 알아주는 누군가를 만나는 것. 백두용은 그 단서를 임금이 가난한 백성에게까지 눈길을 미쳤던 <동상기>에서 찾았던 것이다. 그에 따라 백두용은 이옥이 쓴 정일(正目)을 각각 '재현(才賢)', '덕혜(德慧)', '권택(眷澤)', '복연(福緣)', '보유(補遺)'로 분류하고, 기존 야담에서 해당 범주에 맞는 작품을 선취하여 <찬>을 만들었다. 그러니 <동상기>와 <찬>은 '지기(知己)'라는 연결 고리로 이어진다. 실제 백두용은 1절에서 4절까지를 '누군가가 나를 알아줌 → 내가 누군가를 알아줌 → 적선→ 여경(餘慶)'으로 각각 구성함으로써 자신의 욕망을 구체화했다. 우리가<동상기>와 <찬>을 분리시켜 다룰 수 없는 까닭이다.