• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.11 no.5
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• pp.657-670
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• 2003

It is quite common today for bride to wear white-colored wedding-dress in wedding ceremony. When does the color date back to? What does the “white” mean? Which other colors had been used for wedding dress and why? This research paper aims to answer those historical questions through literature review. It is found here that the “white” began to be generally accepted for a wedding dress color in the 18th century, and that the color became an official one since the marriage of Queen Victoria's (i.e. 1840). Prior to that, other colors were taken rather than the “white”. In ancient Greece and Roma, “Red” and “Yellow” were used to remove devils or to bring fortune. In medieval society, luxurious wedding dresses were popular and various colors were adopted in order to show up family power among leading classes. The “White” has meant purity of bride since the 18th century. However, two world wars in the 20th century happened to lead some brides in economic difficulty wear “black” colored wedding dress for a practical reason. After the world wars, some light colors such as white, beige, ivory are to be used in wedding dress.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.227-246
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• 1991

The study examined work and family life of married women employed in a manufacturing industry. Data were gathered from the use of face-to-face interview method from a sample of 230 married working women. The major findings of this study can be summarized as follows: (1) Most of the respondents found the work repetitive and unappealing, with the double burden of a paid work and housework. Thus, it is necessary for the government to implement social policies for married working women, such as establishment of various child care centers, part-time jobs, and dissemination of egalitarian sex-role attitudes. (2) More than half of the respondents were born in rural areas and immigrated to the urban sectors, forming a nuclear family structure. Most of these women were married with love, but some of them could not have a marriage ceremony because of the economic reasons. Thus, it may be necessary to increase the service centers to offer a free marital ceremony. (3) About 30% of the respondents answered they left their preschool aged children unattended, after dismissing from a kindergarden on a private institution. It was shown that working women, even though they were in charge of child-rearing, did not have an effective mechanism to control or protect their children while they were away from home. Most of them frequently used material compensations from their children in order to make up their absence at home. (4) It was found that the strategy for working women to decrease a dual-role conflict is to make a hierachy on the work they to do and to do only basic housework for everyday life and to do the rest of work on a off-day.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.11 no.4
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• pp.235-246
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• 2001

The survey on the practice of the memorial ceremonial food in Chuncheon area showed it varied according to social position of officiator, location(inland or seaside town) , and personal condition. The study included the foods prepared for the memorial services on the memorial day. New Year's Day and Chusok. 1. 40.4% of the subjects were in the thirties at their age, 46.6% were high school graduates, 57.3% were the first daughter-in-law, 40.4% had no religion, 30.9% were working at public administration and earned less than 1 to 1,5 million won monthly. 2. 71.7% of the subjects who replied that the ancestor worship service had to be kept were Buddhists. 55.4% of them were high school graduates, and 58.8% of them ran independent businesses. They learned how to practice the ancestor worship service from their mother before marriage or from their parents-in-law after marriage. 3. The older the officiators, the better they wanted to keep the traditional format of the service, but the Christians and Catholics wanted to change the format to western style in the future. 4. 92.7% of them served cooked milled rice. They prepared the soup in the order of beef soup, radish soup and dried Alaskan pollack soup. 5. Among cooked vegetable dishes, bracken was used the most and balloonflower root, mung bean sprout and spinach followed. Among jeon(pan-fried foods). frozen Alaskan pollack was used the most and buckwheat, mung bean and meatball followed. 6. They served san-juk(beef kebab) mostly on the ceremony. Among the grilled foods, tofu was the favorite, and croaker followed. 7. Among the fried foods. squid was the favorite, and sweet-potato and shrimp followed. Among the dried foods. they used in the order of dried Alaskan pollack, dried beef and squid. 8. Among the rice cake and traditional confectionery, they used in the order of Yak-sik(sweet rice cake), Gang-jeong(fried glutinous rice cookie), Jeol-pyun and In-jeol-mee. Among a beverage, they served Sik-hye(fermented rice drink) mostly. 9. Among fruits, apples. jujube, chestnut and dried persimmon were served. Aong a liquor, Cheongju was served mostly. 10. Soy sauce, salt and salted fermented fish were served, too.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.8 no.6
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• pp.871-886
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• 2000

The purpose of this study is to understand the culture on the Traditional Wedding of the West Gyeong Nam District. The traditional wedding was characterized that the bridegroom visited his bride's house accompanied by his honored guests(上客) and the marriage ceremony was to be held in day time, and then the bridegroom became a son-in-law and stayed with the family for a few days. The bridegroom returned to his home, leaving his bride behind. After a certain period, the bride came to her husband's home as a daughter-in-law. The Traditional Wedding costume of the bridegroom were Samo-Gwandae. The coat (outside uniform) was blue Danryeong ornamented with two cranes figured Hyong-Bae and Heukgackdae. In case Samo-Gwandae was not available, Dopo or Durumakie could be substituted and they put on shoes in this case. A bridegroom put on Mokhwa his feet and under the Samo, and he also put on Nambawie or Bokguen. He put on Dopo or Haeng-eui(行衣) or Durumaki under the blue Danryeong. The bride put on Wonsam and Chokduri or Hwagwan on her hair. In case Wonsam was not available, Chima Jogori style or imitational Wonsam, which was roughly sewed with red cloth and blue cloth contained in the Honsuham (Box of wedding treasure), could be substituted. She put on Hyang-guen to protect her body against the coldness and to hide her face.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.237-260
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• 2000

According to the study of Jik-Ryoung(直領) consulting chronicles of the Chosun Era, Jik-Ryoung had been worn for various uses as official outfit, ordinary attire or clothes for the celebration of their coming of age, wedding ceremonies, funeral rites, and religious ceremonies, etc. from the beginning to the end of the Chosun Era. The conclusions are shown briefly as follows. 1. There are several terms of Po(袍) related to Jik-Ryoung in the chronicles under the name of Jik-Ryoung Ui(直領衣), Ui-Sal Jik-Ryoung(衣撒直領), and Jik-shin(直身). Jik-Ryoung Ui is the other name of Jik-Ryoung that they called it when it was used for funeral rites and religious ceremonies. The chinese Ye-Sal(曳撒) was called the Ui-Sal Jik-Ryoung in Korea, but this is different with Jik-Ryoung regarding its divided up and bottom style. Jik-Shin is almost same as Jik-Ryoung. 2. During the latter period of the Chosun Era, we can find diferent frequency in use of the Jik-Ryoung. Jik-Ryoung was shown constantly in the cases of that ding, Chinese Prince and lower-level constantly in the cases of that king, Crown Prince and lower-level officials wore it for funeral rites and lower-level officials, artisans, merchants, humbles and slaves wore it for official outfit. Uses of the Jik-Ryoung increased for military officers'outfits, in contrast to decreasing of uses for ordinary attires of king, Crown Prince, and the commons, and official outfits of civil officials. 3. These different aspects mean the change of estate and role. For the basic four ceremonial occasions the ceremonies of coming of age, marriage, funeral, and ancestor memorial-, it appeared constantly. Therefore the social role had been maintained also by then. As an official garb, the role for official uniform of petty official maintained by the end of the Dynasty. But from the latter 1600's to the former 1700's, the roles for official garbs of civil officials and military officers decreased and increased respectively. Before the Hideyoshi's Invasion of Korea in 1592, ordinary social clothes had orders by people's social status who wore them ; those were Dan Ryoung(團領), Hong Jik Ryoung(紅直領), Jik Ryoung(直領), Cho'l Rick(철릭) in the order named. After the war, various Po(袍), Shim Ui(深衣), Jung Chi Mak(中致莫), Chang Ui(　衣), Jang Ui(長衣), Ju Ui(周衣) and so on had been worn until the King Young Jo(英祖)·Jung Jo(正祖) period. In result, the social role of Jik-Ryoung was reduced as the uses decreased more and more. For a mourning dress, it had a same aspect as the case of ordinary social wear. 4. Considering the color, they used blue for the clothes for doing-up-the-hair ceremony, white for mourning clothes, and white, black for ancestor memorial ceremony clothes. On the official outfits of officials, dark blue and black were used mostly. And lower-level officials'clothes had white, red, and green on them. They used red and green for the plain dresses. 5. Examining the materials, clothes for the celebration of one's coming of age were made of high quality silks, Kwang Hwa Dan(廣禾緞). Also, they made clothes for funeral rites of rough and thick linen, and made clothes for religious ceremonies of linen and hemp. The official outfits were made of practical materials like cotton, hemp and ramie. Cotton, pongee and satin were used to make ordinary attire.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.37
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• pp.169-211
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• 2004

As for the "Guang-Xi(廣西)", "Dong-Shan(東山)", "Yao-Ju(瑤族)", folklore culture to achieve the substratum (New Year manners and customs, a passage rites, folk belief, dwelling folklore, agriculture and a farming machine) generally very received an influence of "Han-zu(漢族)" for the reason that an interchange was active early with "Han-zu(漢族)". However, a traditional form of "Yao-Ju(瑤族)" is covered the base with. Even if it is a national holiday commemorateing the birth of the "Pan-Gu(盤古)" which is ancestors of all "Yao-zu(瑤族)" during New Year manners and customs, songs as "ku-jia(哭嫁)" consisting at the time of marriage during a lot of ritual, "zhaoxu-hun (招婿婚)" and the "liangtou-che(兩頭扯)" marriages which are a classic marriage of "Yao-zu(瑤族)", a ritual format, master "Shi-Gong(師公)" of faith of "Yao-zu(瑤族)" are. Also, a difference is in dwelling folklore related to construction or this very much in "Han-zu(漢族)" and the various sides. It is the part where toilets to use are quite different from the Korean race in a tool, the outside written with the dwelling formal characteristics that are structure, "the ceremony of putting up the ridge beam" in, for example, two folds. Agriculture and a farming machine are basically similar to it of the Korean race, but it is a degree with some transformation by environment and the local cause.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.8
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• pp.353-365
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• 2018

This study is on the usage of bojagi recorded in Yeongjo Jeongsun Wanghu garye dogam uigwe. Major findings are as follows. The eighteenth century marked a period of entrenchment of Neo-Confucianism in the Joseon dynasty and the royal wedding was a tool to propagate Neo-Confucian values to the people. The bojagi used at King Yeongjo and Queen Jeongsun's wedding were made of simple red silk produced domestically to avoid extravagance. Uasge of costly flower-patterned silk from China was restricted to comply with the rules of the Kukhon jeongrye, which codified the royal marriage ceremony and the Sangbang jeongrye, which regulated royal attire. This modesty also shows King Yeongjo's determination to abandon lavishness.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.51 no.8
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• pp.13-24
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• 2001

With development of our society, the Hanbok, which is the traditional clothing of our country, is mainly used only on the festive days or marriage ceremony or so as a ceremonial dress and seems lack in wearing as plain clothes. But in the other hand. with general public became no more unfamiliar with the representation of Korean realities and accepted them as a part of life in 90', the modernized Hanbok that features seasoning the practicality into the aesthetic natures of the traditional Hanbok has been rooting in our country. The existing researches on the modernized Hanbok, however. are focused only in the design of the modernized Hanbok, the present conditions of the modernized Hanbok business and the actual condition of the modernized Hanbok, and the aspect in systematic research on the customers'purchasing behavior is weak in comparison with other areas. The goal of this research, by focusing in the value which is the most basic concept of psychological components indicating the customers' behavior, was : first. to make clear the value of the modernized Hanbok and divide the customers into various groups : second, to make clear the characteristics on the population statistics by the groups divided on the clothing value : third, to make clear the individual differences among the customers of the modernized Hanbok : and forth, to make clear the basis on which to estimate the modernized Hanbok by the customers'groups. This research adopted the surrey inquiry. The first investigation is carried out on the modernized Hanbok purchasers and salesmen in Insa-dong where the modernized Hanbok business is massed. As correction and complement for the first investigation. the final investigation is carried out in Oct. 2000 with the 480 persons from twenties to sixties consisting of the modernized Hanbok purchasers and experienced persons in wearing it.

• CRM연구
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.1-18
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• 2011

The consumer's expectation of companies' social responsibilities has been continuously getting higher as the consumerism has been matured. So, the company has faced the shift to move forward to the positive social activity such as charity, donation, and sponsorship. In addition, the company which does make a success needs to reach goals not only to maximize profits but also to make justices of social and cultural boundaries. Thus, success of an enterprise aims at the maximization of profits as the economic objective and the creation of competitive, powerful brands. Accordingly, as enterprises consider social responsibility as the concept of effective investment to enhance the asset value of corporation, they seek to extend their brands in order to pursue cause-related marketing, which accomplishes and complements two objectives each other the performance of social responsibility and the pursuit of powerful brand assets. In Korea, there are traditional ritual ceremonies such as ceremonies of coming-of-age, marriage, funeral, and ancestor worship and they consider those ceremony occasions as very important. Moreover, social positional grade of rank like the two upper classes of old Korea made people pretend to be noble and sensitive to other people around themselves. This old custom could influence Korean people's way of life, especially, consumer-action. This deep rooted custom also could influence consumption life considerably. Through this study, we can understand the consumer behaviors of Korean who consider ritual ceremonies and saving face as essential and are influenced by this culture. on another hand, we intend to check the effects on buying luxury brands.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.325-355
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• 2019

On June 12, 1791, the old bachelor Kim Hee-jip and the old lady Shin Deok-bin's Daughter get married. The wedding ceremony is a state-led so-called 'virgin virgin bachelor's marriage project'. At that time, the king ordered the recorder to record the case, which is called . The private sector also made it into a work, which is the Chinese drama written by LeeOk(李鈺). was created with the purpose of praising the king, and it inserted entertainment elements into it, so it had a frame of plays, but it did not have a performance in mind from the beginning. LeeOk uses different styles in each of the four acts. He tried to soothe his boredom by setting tales and proverbs in Acts 1 and 2, Pansori in Act 3, and drama in Act 4. In 1918, BaekDooYong(白斗鏞) published DongSangGiChan[東床記纂], which is combines drama and Yadam . In previous studies, these two were perceived as different works, but the two rooms were closely linked: the link was 'someone recognize me[知 己]'. He understood the table of contents made by Lee as 'JaeHyun(才賢)', 'deokhye(德慧)', 'Kwontaek(眷澤)', 'Bokyeon(福 緣)' respectively, and recorded the version of the yadam that fits it in . From acts 1 to 4, Baek contained his desire in it by constructing 'someone recognizes me → I recognize someone → do good things[積善] → blessings[餘慶]'. This is why we can't comprehend and as completely different works.