• Title/Summary/Keyword: life-history

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Rice Cultivation and Demographi Development in Korea : 1429-1918 (조선시대(朝鮮時代) 도작농업(稻作農業)의 발전(發展)과 인구증가(人口增加))

  • Lee, Ho Chol
    • Current Research on Agriculture and Life Sciences
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    • v.7
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    • pp.201-219
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    • 1989
  • Rice culture in Korea has a long history ranging over two thousand years. In the agriculture economy of pre-mordern Korea, however, its importantce was not as great as generally assumed. In fact, rice culture reached full development only after the 1920s when the Japanese colonial government carried out its drive to increase rice production in the Korea peninsula. It was not until the mid-1930s that rice became the staple in Korean diet. This can be attributed to two factors : (1) a mountainous topography that provides little irrigated fields and (2) a climate characterized by droughts in spring and heavy precipitation in summer. The present paper attempts to answer some of these questions. Specifically it will focus on these : Did the development of rice culture actually result in population growth? What are the salient features of agricultural develdpment and population grow in traditional Korea? Does the case of Korea conform the prevailing generalization about the agriculture in East Asia? I have discussed the development of rice culture and population growth in the Chos$\breve{o}$n dynasty, focusing on the relation between the rapid spread of transplanting and the rapid growth of population from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century. Here are my conclusions. (1) The spread of transplanting and other technological innovationsc contributed to the rapid growth of population in this period. However, we should also note that the impact of rice culture on population growth was rather limited, for rice culture was not the mainstay of agricultural economy in pre-modern Korea. Indeed we should consider the influence of dry field cropsn population growth. Nevertheless, it is obvious that the proliferation of rice culture was a factor crucial to population growth and regional concentration. (2) How should we characterize the spread of rice culture in the whole period? Evidently rice culture spread from less then 20% of cultivated fields in the fifteenth century to about 36% of them in the early twentieth century. Although rice as a single crop outweighed other crops, rice culture was more then counter-balanced by dry field crops as a whole, due to Korea's unique climate and geography. Thus what we have here in not a typical case of competition between rice culture and day field culture. Besides, the spread of rice culture in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries accomplished by technological innovations that overcame severe springtime drought, rather than extensive irrigation. Althougt irrigarion facilities did proliferate to some extent, this was achieved by local landlords and peasants rather than the state. This fact contradicts the classical thesis that the productivity of rice culture increased through the state management of irrigation and that this in turn determined the type of society. (3) We should further study other aspects of the transition from the stable population and production struture in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries to the rapid population growth and excessive density of population thereafter. We should note that there were continuing efforts to reclaim the land in order to solve the severe shortage of land. Changes also took place in the agricultural production relations. The increase in land producrivity developed tenancy based on rent in kind, and this in turn increased the independence of tenants from their landlords. There were changes in family relations-such as the shift to primogeniture as an effort to prevent progressive division of property among multiplying offspring. The rapid population growth also produced a great mass of propertyless farm laborers. These changes had much to do with the disintegration of traditional social institutions and political structure toward the end of the Chos$\breve{o}$n dynasty.

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"A Study on Hebrews Clothing in the Old Testament" - Especially on Hair Styles, Headgears, Footwear and Personal Ornaments - (구약성서(舊約聖書)에 나타난 히브리인의 복식(服飾) - 두식(頭飾), 신발 및 장신구(裝身具) 중심(中心)으로 -)

  • Park, Chan-Boo
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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    • v.10
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    • pp.63-80
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    • 1986
  • The Old Testament cotains mention of the history of creation and clothing in ancient Hebrew. This study dealt with Hebrew dress customs especially aimed at the manners of their hair styles, headgears, footwear and personal ornaments. References are Korean Revised Version, English King James Version and Revised Standard Version. There is little mention of hair styles and headgears in the Old Testament. Some sort of turban was worn by priests, and soldiers protected themselves with helmets, but most Israelitish men went bareheaded except on special occasions and often wear simple headbands. It was more common for women to use headwear of some type-turbans, scarves, and veils concealing the face. The veil was the distinctive female wearing apparel. All females, with the exception of maidservants and women in a low condition of life, wore a veil. It was the custom for women to wear a veil entirely covering their head in the public. Through most of the Old Testament periods long and thick hair was admired on men and women alike. The Hebrews were proud to have thick and abundant long hair, and they gave much attention to the care of their hair. The caring of hair was deeply related to their rituals. Nazirites never took a razor to their hair during his vow-days, but instead let it grow long, as an offering to God. Men would not cut their beards, but allow them to grow long. The Israelites' standard footwear was a pair of simple leather sandals. This was one of the items of clothing not highly prized. In a colloquial saying of the time, a pair of shoes signified something of small value, and to be barefoot except in times of mourning or on holy place, was a sign either of extreme poverty or humiliation, as in the case of war prisoners. Because precious stones were not mined in the Palestine-Syria region, Hebrews imported them from foreign country. They were consumer-to a large degree limited by their very modest standard of living-but not producers. Hebrews liked the precious stones and were motivated to acquire and wear jewels. Besides their use for adornment and as gifts, the precious or semiprecious stones were regarded by Jews of property. The Hebrews were not innovators in the field of decorative arts. The prohibition of the Law against making any "graven image" precluded the development of painting, sculpture, and other forms of representational art. Jewish men did not indulge in extravagances of dress, and there was little ornamentation among them. Men wore a signet ring on their right hand or sometimes suspended by a cord or chain around the neck. The necklaces, when worn by a male, also bore any symbol of his authority. Bracelets were extremely popular with both men and women, men usually preferring to wear them on their upper arms. The girdle was a very useful part of a man's clothing. It was used as a waist belt, or used to fasten a man's sword to his body, or served as a pouch in which to keep money and other things. Men often carried a cane or staff, which would be ornamented at the top. Among the women there was more apt to be ornamentation than among the men. Hebrew women liked to deck themselves with jewels, and ornamentation of the bride were specially luxurious and numerous. They wore rings on their fingers or On toes, ankle rings, earrings, nosering, necklace, bracelets. Their shapes were of cresent, waterdrops, scarab, insect, animal or plant. Sometimes those were used as amulets. They were made of ceramics, gold, silver, bronze, iron, and various precious stones which were mostly imported from Egypt and Sinai peninsular. Hebrews were given many religious regulations by Moses Law on their hair, headgears, sandals and ornamentation. Their clothing were deeply related with their customs especially with their religions and rituals. Hebrew religion was of monotheism and of revealed religion. Their religious leaders, the prophets who was inspired by God might need such many religious regulations to lead the idol oriented people to God through them.

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Exposed level of workers in the factory next to a lead recycling factory (연 재생공장 인접 근로자들의 연 폭로정도에 관한 조사)

  • Kim, Jin-Ha;Lee, Duk-Hee;Lee, Yong-Hwan
    • Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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    • v.29 no.3 s.54
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    • pp.693-700
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    • 1996
  • The purpose of this study was to determine whether workers at a factory next to a lead recycling factory in Pusan, were affected by lead contamination. The mean air lead concentration of lead recycling factory was $0.21mg/m^3(TWA=0.05mg/m^3)$. Thirty-nine male workers of Factory A, Cr. plating factory next to the lead recycling factory were exposed group and a comparison group, 62 male workers of Factory B were selected from another Cr. plating factory about 8.5km away from lead recycling factory. Air lead concentration of each workplace was checked for 4 times from August f to August 20 in 1995 by low volume air sampler. Each subject was interviewed about age, life-style, smoking, work history, and residence etc, and venous blood was drawn for lead measurement by graphite furnace atomic absorption spectrometry. We have observed that air lead concentration and blood lead concentration of Factory A was higher than Factory $B(2.6{\pm}1.6\;Vs.\;1.2{\pm}0.2{\mu}g/m^3,\;14.9{\pm}1.6\;Vs.\;12.2{\pm}1.6{\mu}g/dl)$. We believe that other environmental lead sources such as transportation and residence did not affect air lead and blood lead concentration differences of both factory. We concluded that high air lead and blood lead concentration of Factory A were caused by lead contamination generated by the neighboring lead recycling factory.

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Playing with Rauschenberg: Re-reading Rebus (라우센버그와 게임하기-<리버스> 다시읽기)

  • Rhee, Ji-Eun
    • The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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    • no.2
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    • pp.27-48
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    • 2004
  • Robert Rauschenberg's artistic career has often been regarded as having reached its culmination when the artist won the first prize at the 1964 Venice Biennale. With this victory, Rauschenberg triumphantly entered the pantheon of all-American artists and firmly secured his position in the history of American art. On the other hand, despite the artist's ongoing new experiments in his art, the seemingly precocious ripeness in his career has led the critical discourses on Rauschenberg's art to the artist's early works, most of which were done in the mid-1950s and the 1960s. The crux of Rauschenberg criticism lies not only in focusing on the artist's 50's and 60's works, but also in its large dismissal of the significance of the imagery that the artist employed in his works. As art historians Roger Cranshaw and Adrian Lewis point out, the critical discourse of Rauschenberg either focuses on the formalist concerns on the picture plane, or relies on the "culturalist" interpretation of Rauschenberg's imagery which emphasizes the artist's "Americanness." Recently, a group of art historians centered around October has applied Charles Sanders Peirce's semiotics as art historical methodology and illuminated the indexical aspects of Rauschenberg's work. The semantic inquiry into Rauschenberg's imagery has also been launched by some art historians who seek the clues in the artist's personal context. The first half of this essay will examine the previous criticism on Rauschenberg's art and the other half will discuss the artist's 1955 work Rebus, which I think intersects various critical concerns of Rauschenberg's work, and yet defies the closure of discourses in one direction. The categories of signs in the semiotics of Charles Sanders Peirce and the discourse of Jean-Francois Lyotard will be used in discussing the meanings of Rebus, not to search for the semantic readings of the work, hut to make an analogy in terms of the paradoxical structures of both the work and the theory. The definitions of rebus is as follows: Rebus 1. a representation or words or syllables by pictures of object or by symbols whose names resemble the intended words or syllables in sound; also: a riddle made up wholly or in part of such pictures or symbols. 2. a badge that suggests the name of the person to whom it belongs. Webster's Third New International Dictionary of the English Language Unabridged. Since its creation in 1955, Robert Rauschenberg's Rebus has been one of the most intriguing works in the artist's oeuvre. This monumental 'combine' painting($6feet{\times}10feet$ 10.5 inches) consists of three panels covered with fabric, paper, newspaper, and printed reproductions. On top of these, oil paints, pencil and crayon drawings connect each section into a whole. The layout of the images is overall horizontal. Starting from a torn election poster, which is partially read as "THAT REPRE," on the far left side of the painting. Rebus leads us to proceed from the left to the right, the typical direction of reading in a Western context. Along with its seemingly proper title. Rebus, the painting has triggered many art historians to seek some semantic readings of it. These art historians painstakingly reconstruct the iconography based on the artist's interviews, (auto)biography, and artistic context of his works. The interpretation of Rebus varies from a 'image-by-image' collation with a word to a more general commentary on Rauschenberg's work overall, such as a work that "bridges between art and life." Despite the title's allusion to the legitimate purpose of the painting as a decoding of the imagery into sound, Rebus, I argue, actually hinders a reading of it. By reading through Peirce to Rauschenberg, I will delve into the subtle anxiety between words and images in their works. And on this basis, I suggest Rauschenberg's strategy in playing Rebus is to hide the meaning of the imagery rather than to disclose it.

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The association between serum IGF-1 and neonatal growth and disease in a NICU (신생아집중치료실 입원아의 혈청 IGF-1과 성장 및 질병 사이의 관련성)

  • Kim, Jung Ok;Lim, Hae Ri;Kim, Heng Mi
    • Clinical and Experimental Pediatrics
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    • v.52 no.2
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    • pp.176-180
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    • 2009
  • Purpose : The objective of this study was to establish the serum IGF-1 level in newborn infants, and investigate its association with growth and diseases. Methods : In a retrospective study, serum IGF-1 levels were measured for newborn infants admitted to NICU at Kyungpook University Hospital from March 2007 to July 2007. Birth data, disease history, and hospital course were obtained from medical records. Results : Of 52 blood samples obtained at birth, serum IGF-l levels in 30 preterm infants ($31.6{\pm}27.3$ ng/mL) were lower than in 22 full-term infants ($53.4{\pm}40.0$ ng/mL; P<0.05). In sick full-term infants, serum IGF-1 levels ($46.0{\pm}40.2$ ng/mL) were lower than in healthy full-term infants ($64.1{\pm}39.5$ ng/mL; P<0.05). In preterm infants, there were no differences in IGF-1 levels between healthy ($33.2{\pm}23.3$ ng/mL) and sick infants ($30.6{\pm}30.4$ ng/mL); however, IGF-1 levels in both sick and healthy preterm infants were lower than in healthy full-term infants. Among infants admitted after 8 days of life, serum IGF-1 levels were higher in infants who gained weight ($70.8{\pm}36.2$ ng/mL) than in infants who lost weight ($13.3{\pm}19.9$ ng/mL; P<0.01); however IGF-1 levels showed no difference between gender or method of delivery. Conclusion : The study showed lower IGF-l levels in preterm infants than in full-term infants. Additionally, the IGF-l level in infants with weight loss was lower than in infants with weight gain. These results indicate that serum IGF-1 is associated with gestational age and postnatal growth.

Studios on a Trematode Parasitic in Bivalves IV. On the Metacercaria of Himasthla kusasigi YAMAGUTI, 1939(Trematoda) found in the clam, Meretrix lusoria Roding (조개류에 기생하는 흡충류에 관한 연구 IV. 백합(Meretrix lusoria)에서 검출되는 Himasthla kusasigi YAMAGUTI, 1939에 대하여)

  • KIM Young Gill;CHUN Seh Kyu
    • Korean Journal of Fisheries and Aquatic Sciences
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    • v.17 no.1
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    • pp.61-67
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    • 1984
  • The life history of a trematod fluck, Himasthla kusasigi was studied on the morphological characters of metacercariae, its infection rate in the clam and the contamination experiment to the herring gull, Larus crassiostris. The size of the metacercariae was $210{\sim}230{\times}220{\mu}m$, excysted metacercariae was $420{\times}160{\mu}m$ and it had 31 collar spines. The ventral sucker($112{\times}100{\mu}m$) was located just below the central part of the body. Esophagus was narrow and long, the intestine was branched in the upper part of the ventral sucker and extended to the hind part of the body. Excretory bladder without the infected part was located in the hind part of the body. The branched excretory tube was filled with the small granules and extended to the pharynx area. The infection rate of the metacercariae varied from place to place. In Naecho do and Puan the rates were $98.4\%$ and $95.9\%$ respectively. The infected number of Himasthla kusasigi per clam was positively proportional to the size of the clam. The adult fluckes developed from the metacercariae were obtained from the experimented herring gull. The metacercariae emerge from their cysts in the stomach of the herring gull, then they migrate it the intestine and 25 days after, most of them were found in the intestine. The size of the adult was $4.8{\sim}7.5{\times}0.22{\sim}0.24mm$, oral sucker; $68{\sim}120{\times}70{\sim}120{\mu}m$, pharynx: $80{\times}50{\mu}m$, ventral sucker: $630{\sim}680{\times}610{\sim}680{\mu}m$. The head collar $48{\sim}75{\times}10{\mu}m$ had 31 collar spines. The isolated trematod fluck from the samples was classified as a Himasthla kusasigi by the morphological characteristics of the adult flock and its metacercariae. We oberved that the second intermediate host of Himasthla kusasigi was hard clam, Meretrix lusoria, while its final host was herring gull, Larus crassiostris and Tringa ochropus.

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Comparison of Eating Habits and Dietary Intake Patterns between People with and without Allergy (알레르기 질환 유무에 따른 식생활 습관과 식품섭취패턴의 비교 연구)

  • Yang, Seung-Hye;Kim, Eun-Jin;Kim, Young-Nam;Seong, Ki-Seung;Kim, Sung-Soo;Han, Chan-Kyu;Lee, Bog-Hieu
    • Journal of Nutrition and Health
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    • v.42 no.6
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    • pp.523-535
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    • 2009
  • The aim of this study was to examine and compare the eating habits and dietary intake patterns of people with or without allergy by the survey during August-September, 2008. The 131 subjects aged 10'-50' (AG = allergy group, n = 62; NG = non-allergy group, n = 69) participated in this study. The questionnaire included general characteristics, dietary habits, and food frequency. Income level tended to be higher in AG than in NG, and AG had more pets and flower pots than NG (p < 0.01). In AG, most affected area of allergy was the skin and the subjects in AG experienced the mixed symptoms and more than 2 types of allergy. Family history of allergy was highly related with allergy of the subjects (AG: 66.1%, NG: 33.9%). Both groups did not exercise regularly, but frequency of alcohol drinking in AG was significantly higher than in NG (p < 0.01). AG skipped meals and had snacking more often than NG (p < 0.05). Most favorite snacks in AG were instant foods, fast foods, cookies, and ice cream (p < 0.05). Therefore, AG tended to consume more allergy-related foods than NG. Highly-consumed allergy-related foods were egg, pork, walnut, onion, tuna, shellfish, and kiwi (p < 0.05). Therefore, nutrition education and guidance is needed to establish good eating habits, food intakes, and life style in people having allergy.

A Study Consequence Management System of the Terrorism (테러리즘의 대응관리체제에 관한 고찰 - "9. 11 테러"를 중심으로 -)

  • Kim, Yi-Soo;Ahn, Byung-Soo;Han, Nam-Soo
    • Korean Security Journal
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    • no.7
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    • pp.95-124
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    • 2004
  • It can be said that 'the September 11th Terrorist Attacks' in 2001 were not only the indiscriminate attacks on innocent people but also the whole - political, economical and military - attacks on human life. Also, 'the September 11th Terrorist Attacks' can be regarded as the significant events in the history of world, which were on the peak of the super-terrorism or new-terrorism that had emerged from the 1980s. However, if one would have analysed the developments of terrorism from the 1970s, they could have been foreknown without difficulty. The finding from this study can be summarized as the followings, First, in spite that the USA responsive system against terrorism had been assessed as perfect before 'the September 11th Terrorist Attacks', the fragilities were found in the aspects of the response on the new-terrorism or super-terrorism. The previous responsive system before 'the September 11th Terrorist Attacks' had the following defects as the followings: (1) it was impossible to establish the integrated strategy, because the organizations related to the response against terrorism had not integrated; (2) there were some weakness to collect and diffuse the informations related to terrorism; (3) the security system for the domestic airline service in USA and the responsive system of air defense against terrors on aircraft were very fragile. For these reasons, USA government established the 'Department of Homeland Security' of which the President is the head so that the many organizations related to terrorism were integrated into a single management system. And, it legislated a new act to protect security from terrors, which legalized of the wiretapping in spite of the risk of encroachment upon personal rights, increased the jail terms upon terrorists, froze the bank related to terrorist organization, and could censor e-mails. Second, it seem that Korean responsive system against terrors more fragile than that of USA. One of the reasons is that people have some perception that Korea is a safe zone from terrors, because there were little attacks from international terrorists in Korea. This can be found from the fact that the legal arrangement against terrorism is only the President's instruction No. 47. Under this responsive system against terrorism dependent on only the President's instruction, it is expected that there would be a poor response against terrors due to the lack of unified and integrated responsive agency as like the case of USA before 'the September 11th Terrorist Attacks'. And, where there is no legal countermeasure, it is impossible to expect the binding force on the outside of administrative agencies and the performances to prevent and hinder the terrorist actions can not but be limited. That is to say, the current responsive system can not counteract effectively against the new-terrorism and super-terrorism. Third, although there were some changes in Korean government's policies against terrorism. there still are problems. One of the most important problems is that the new responsive system against terrorism in Korea, different from that of USA, is not a permanent agency but a meeting body that is organized by a commission. This commission is controled by the Prime Minister and the substantial tasks are under the National Intelligence Service. Under this configuration, there can be the lack of strong leadership and control. Additionally, because there is no statute to response against terrorism, it is impossible to prevent and counteract effectively against terrorism. The above summarized suggests that, because the contemporary super-terrorism or new-terrorism makes numerous casualties of unspecified persons and enormous nationwide damages, the thorough prevention against terrorism is the most important challenge, and that the full range of legal and institutional arrangements for the ex post counteraction should be established. In order to do so, it is necessary for the government to make legal and institutional arrangements such as the permanent agency for protection from terrorism in which the related departments cooperates with together and the development of efficient anti-terror programs, and to show its willingness and ability that it can counteract upon any type of domestic and foreign terrorism so that obtain the active supports and confidence from citizens.

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Practice Rate of Breast Self- examination and Its Related Factors among Women in a Rural Area (일부 농촌지역 여성의 유방자가검진 실천율과 관련요인)

  • Lee, Eun-Il;Kang, Pock-Soo;Yun, Sung-Ho;Kim, Seok-Beom;Lee, Kyeong-Soo
    • Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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    • v.26 no.2
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    • pp.147-159
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    • 2001
  • A questionnaire survey of 568 women over the age of 30 in 11 dongs of Goryeong- gun was performed to identify the practice rate of breast self- examination and its related factors. It was found that the practice rate of breast self- examination was 28.2%, with 9.7% of those surveyed performing breast self- examinations more than once a month. The practice rate of breast self- examination showed significant differences according to factors, such as age, presence of spouse, educational level, occupation, economic status, smoking, regular exercise and chronic disease. According to age, the highest practice rate of breast self-examination was between the ages of 40-49 and the lowest over the age of 60. The practice rate increased with higher the educational level and presence of spouse. According to occupation, administrative and managerial occupations presented the highest practice rate of breast self- examination. Higher economic status, regular exercise and positive family history of breast cancer each presented high practice rates of breast self- examination. The practice rate revealed higher in those who did not smoke and who had no chronic diseases than others. The greatest reason for performing breast self- examination was decided by myself for health reasons, followed by effect of mass media and promotion by health center. The most common reasons for not performing breast self- examination were don't feel the need, followed by don't know how to perform the exam and don't know about the exam itself. Multiple logistic regression analysis showed that factors, such as over the age of 60, less education, and no experience with mammography all lowered the practice rate of self-breast examination. Inconclusion, the rates of breast self- examination and regular check-ups of people in rural areas, who are characteristically older and have low educational backgrounds, were 28.2% and 9.7%. These results show the immediate need for the education of the methods for breast self- examination to be carried out by health centers in these areas. Such efforts and programs could increase the practice rate of breast self- examination and thereby improve health and enhance the quality of life of women in rural areas.

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The Fate of Intractable Tuberculosis Cases Under National Tuberculosis Programme (국가결핵관리 체계내의 난치성 결핵환자(만성 배균자)의 운명)

  • Lew, Woo-Jin;Lee, Eun-Gyu;Kwon, Dong-Won;Kim, Sang-Jae;Hong, Yong-Pyo;Kim, Jeong-Bae
    • Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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    • v.42 no.1
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    • pp.11-18
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    • 1995
  • Background: The natural history of bacillary tuberculosis was studied in India and results showed that at the end of the 5-year period, 49% of the patients were dead, 33% were cured and 18% remained sputum-positive. The aim of this survey is to observe the natural course of the patients with intractable tuberculosis disease who were incurable with all drug regimens of the national tuberculosis programme(NTP). Method: Of the patients who have been found as intractable cases in Kang-Weon Province by the supervisory medical officer during the period from January 1,1987 to December 31,1992, 179 were eligible for this study. Sputum examination was done for those who were survived until October in 1993 at the Kang-Weon provincial laboratory of KNTA. 49 out of 179 patients were transferred to the private sectors and retreated with the combination of prothionamide, cycloserine, ofloxacin, enviomycin, etc. They seemed to have been bacteriologically cured, and so they were excluded from the study. Finally 130 patients were analyzed by modified life table method to calculate the fatality rate and the survival rate during the period of 7 years. Results: 1) 80.8% of intractable cases were male and 19.2%, female. 2) More than 94% of intractable cases showed moderately or far advanced Tb findings on their X-rays at the time of registration at health centres. 3) The cumulative case-fatality rate was 19.74% at the end of 1-year period and has risen to 34.55% by the end of 4-year period(increasing by 4.9% a year on an average). The case-fatality rate has shown no appreciable rise since then until the end of 7-year period. 4) The case-survival rate was 80.26% at the end of 1-year period and has decreased to 65.45% by the end of 4-year period. And then there was no appreciable change in the survival rate until the end of 7-year observation. Conclusion: The case-survival rate of intractable cases was higher than that of untreated pulmonary tuberculosis patients and they may have risk of spreading multidrug resistant organisms. It is time we made an effort to improve case-management qualitatively.

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