• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.54-77
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• 2020

Produced during the Goryeo period (718-1392), the statue of the monk Huirang Daesa at Haeinsa Temple in Hapcheon is almost life-size, with a height of 82.4 cm, a width of 66.6 cm at the knees, and a maximum width of 44 cm at the torso (front and back). Notably, it is the only known example of an East Asian Buddhist sculpture made from wood and dry lacquer that was formed by joining the front and back halves. However, a similar technique was used on a dry lacquer statue of the Medicine Buddha at Cheongnyangsa Temple in Bonghwa, which is estimated to date from the late Goryeo or early Joseon period. As such, this technique is thought to represent this particular time period. In an eighteenth-century travelogue about a trip to Mt. Gayasan, the author describes a sculpture that is believed to be the statue of Huirang Daesa at Haeinsa Temple, based on various unique features that closely correspond to the sculpture's current appearance. For example, the sculpture is said to have a hole in the chest and rough, knobby tendons and bones, two features that can still be seen today. Another sculpture of a Buddhist monk who was active in the western regions during the third and fourth century also has a hole in the chest, which is said to be a symbol of spiritual strength. The travelogue also states that the statue was lacquered black at the time, which means that it must have been painted with its present colors some time in the nineteenth century. Over time, the sculpture has been enshrined in various halls of Haeinsa Temple, including Haehaengdang, Jinsangjeon, and later Josajeon (Hall of the Patriarchs), and Bojangjeon. Records show that images of Buddhist monks, or "seungsang," were produced in Korea as early as the Three Kingdoms period (18 BCE-660 CE), but few of these works have survived. At present, only four such sculptures are extant, including the images of Huirang Daesa from the Goryeo period, and those of Monk Naong and Uisang Daesa from the Joseon period. Of these, the sculpture of Huirang Daesa has special significance for its early production date (i.e., CE. tenth century), outstanding production techniques, and superb artistic quality, realistically capturing both the external appearance and internal character of the subject. The tradition of producing, sanctifying, and worshipping statues of monks was prevalent not only in Korea, but also in China and Japan. However, each country developed its own preferred materials and techniques for producing these unique images. For example, while China has a large number of mummified Buddhist images (yuksinbul), Japan produced diverse images with various materials (e.g., dry lacquer, wood, clay) according to period. But despite the differences in materials and techniques, the three nations shared the same fundamental purpose of expressing and honoring the inherent spirituality of the monks.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.315-353
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• 2017

This study examined the music policies of the three kings, Seongjong, Jungjong, and Injo, who were in power for about 200 years from the late 15th century to the early 17th century. These three kings deserve attention in musical history for different reasons. Sungjong published "Gugjooryeui"(1474), "Gyeong-gugdaejeon"(1476), and "Aghaggwebeom"(1493), the typical etiquette books, law books, and musical books that take the most important position in the history of Joseon, so his direction of music policy deserves attention. Jungjong was the king who rose to the throne after there was a revolt against Yeonsangun's tyranny. Injo ascended to the throne by starting a military coup d'etat himself. One may wonder how the aspect of music policies developed by a king, who was crowned by a revolt, is different from other cases. As each of these three kings had different background of enthronement and the contents of music policies in the royal family also developed with different emphasis, this study examined each aspect separately. Sungjong emphasized the importance of music and regarded it important to cultivate officials who know music. To this end, he gave a special order to Yejo(the office of protocol) and this study tried to clarify the contents first. In addition, this study examined the process, contents, and meaning of various modification works related to the revision of the lyrics used in the ceremonies. Jungjong supplemented the institutional aspects of music. This is the result of expressing the will to correct the anomalous and reckless music policies of the period of Yeonsangun. In addition, many words in the lyrics had been about Buddhist doctrines and love songs between male and female, so there were efforts to reform these. As for the period of Injo, this study examined the music policies that were made in the process of resolving the crisis after the war. It was a time when court musicians were scattered after two times of war and it was not possible to hold the national ritual properly, so music policies in this period were different from the ones in stable era. This study covered discussions on the measures to collect lost instruments and scattered musicians. It also looked at how the restoration effort was made in the situation that the music used in ancestral rites was abolished.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.91-117
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• 2018

This paper examines the persuasive style(論說類) proses of Myeonggog(明谷) Choi, seokjeong(崔錫鼎, 1646~1715). He is a disciple of Namguman(南九萬) and Parksechae(朴世采), and is a man who played an active part by political soron(少論) leader in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty. It is also a central figure that links the genealogy of the late Joseon Dynasty, which leads to Namguman(南九萬)-Choiseokjeong(崔錫鼎)-Chotaeeok(趙泰億). He wrote total 14 persuasive style prose. The time of creation is from around 1671 until the end of life. In this paper, the preoses to be analyzed are Sunukron(荀彧論), Bujadaegaron(夫子待賈論) and Muneongyebyeon(文言系辭辨). The reverse idea that reverses the existing discussion is outstanding, and the work which is unique in composition is Sunukron(荀彧論). Bujadaegaron(夫子待賈論) is a work that uses the ryubi(類比) to increase persuasiveness and converts the existing perspective. Muneongyebyeon(文言系辭辨) is a work that attempted to harmonize in the formality of vocabulary, sentence and composition while showing the logical perfection to dismiss the counter-argument's prerequisite. For example, Muneongyebyeon(文言系辭辨) consists of a total of five paragraphs in aspect of composition, each paragraph arranged in good order. In addition, this work presented sequential arguments, used the incremental method which emphasizes the importance of arguments as it moves backward.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.59
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• pp.121-156
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• 2015

Memorials in Joseon Dynasty created a arena where the intellectual and political power met. This thesis traces the process of a certain political faction's rebuilding of the political structure of the elite groups by leading the intellectual controversies through memorials, especially those about the evaluations of Pak Setang(朴世堂) and I Gyeongseok(李景奭). This is what happened: Song Siyeol(宋時烈) submitted a memorial which disputed I Gyeongseok's petition, which provoked complete controversies around the memorials between Noron(老論) and Soron(少論). This led to the academic censorship against Sabyeonrok written by Pak Setang. The analysis of act of writing and submission of memorials by Noron and the role of the Kim Family of An-dong(安東 金門) specifically is the main topic here. The members of Soron ceaselessly criticized Song Siyeol, while the Kim Family strongly defended him. The trigger of the strife was a letter written by Kim Chang-Heup(金昌翕), a member of the Kim Family and the Kims played a significant role in the background during the process of political fights using memorials. The series of memorials criticized or supported certain political figure or his writings, but the opinions of Noron and Soron were directly opposite to each other. Even though the expressed difference was the result of the existing political factions, however, it also caused the new power structure of elite groups. The expressions and logics used in the arguments also have its significance. The Noron's memorials evaluated the contemporary people and their writings based on Chu-Hsi and Song Siyeol, who was regarded as a identical figure of Chu-Hsi. The arguments and writing strategies in this regard gained political strength enough to reorganize the intellectual society by changing alignment of political parties, and this led to the rebuilding of academic environment afterward.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.385-411
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• 2008

This thesis aims at examining his understandings about the The Great Learning centering on the of the founder of the YiYongHuSaeng School (利用厚生學派: A school who pursued prosperous economy and welfare of people) orthe BukHak School(北學派: A positive school that pursued mercantilism) from the Joseon Dynasty, Dam-Heon Hong Dae Yong (1731-1783). 1) From what is indicated in the , his studies mainly focused on the annotations from DaeHakJangGuDaeJeonJipJu ("大學章句大全集註": A book that edited different phrases from the Great Learning into chapters and paragraphs), Questioning of the Great Learning", and "JuJaUhRyu (朱子語類: A book of Confucian literature written by Yeo Jung Deok" of Zhu Xi who was a representative scholar of the Neo-Confucianism in the Song Dynasty. 2) Acknowledging entirely the arguing points of Zhu Xi, he is taking a critical position in a way that partial doubts are divided into seven chapters and questioned. 3) For the main characteristic and direction of the questioning, he is estimating that Zhu Xi only stressed the 'means' and 'interior' out of the world of 'means and ends' and 'interior and exterior' in Zhu Xi's recognizing and handling cases; instead, he emphasized putting equivalent value on the 'ends' and 'exterior' as well. 4) In fact, such questions raised partially were misconceived since they were not carried out through profound understanding nor systematic logic expansion of what Zhu Xi insisted. 5) Despite this, at the point where Neo-Confucian thoughts were fixed and weakened only with its form left in the late Joseon Dynasty, his perspective on the study of Confucian classics that the 'ends' and 'exterior' should be as equally valued as the 'means' and 'interior' by examining through the core text of the Neo-Confucianism, The Great Learning has its significance in his YiYongHuSaeng dogma that says politicians, by all means, should provide the ruled with economic convenience and welfare and this is their very right virtue.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.60-77
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• 2020

An assumption can be made that, as a start point for the recognition and utilization of cultural heritage, the "choice" of such would reflect the cultural ideology of the ruling power at that time. This has finally been proved by the case of Korea in the 20th century. First, in the late Korean Empire (1901-1910), the prevailing cultural ideology had been inherited from the Joseon Dynasty. The main objects that the Joseon Dynasty tried to protect were royal tombs and archives. During this time, an investigation by the Japanese into Korean historic sites began in earnest. Stung by this, enlightened intellectuals attempted to recognize them as constituting independent cultural heritage, but these attempts failed to be institutionalized. During the 1910-1945 Japanese occupation, the Japanese led investigations to institutionalize Korean cultural heritage, which formed the beginning of the current cultural heritage management system. At that time, the historical investigation, designation, protection, and enhancement activities led by the Japanese Government-General of Korea not only rationalized their colonial occupation of Korea but also illustrated their colonial perspective. Korean nationalists processed the campaign for the love of historical remains on an enlightening level, but they had their limits in that the campaign had been based on the outcome of research planned by the Japanese. During the 1945-2000 period following liberation from Japan, cultural heritage restoration projects took places that were based on nationalist ideology. People intended to consolidate the regime's legitimacy through these projects, and the enactment of the 'Cultural Heritage Charter' in 1997 represented an ideology in itself that stretched beyond a means of promoting nationalist ideology. During the past 20 centuries, cultural heritage content changed depending on the whims of those with political power. Such choices reflected the cultural ideology that the powers at any given time held with regard to cultural heritage. In the background of this cultural heritage choice mechanism, there have been working trade-off relationships formed between terminology and society, as well as the ideological characteristics of collective memories. The ruling party has tried to implant their ideology on their subjects, and we could consider that it wanted to achieve this by being involved in collective memories related to traditional culture, so called-choice, and utilization of cultural heritage.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.22-49
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• 2021

Bowonsa Temple (普願寺) is located to the north of Gayasan Mountain in Unsan-myeon, Seosan-si, Chungcheongnam-do Province. The cultural properties it enshrines were produced during the late Unified Silla and early Goryeo periods, and include an Iron Seated Buddha. The Japanese Government-General of Korea Museum planned a survey on historical remains in Chungcheongnam-do Province during the early Japanese colonial era, and a field survey was conducted at the Bowonsa Temple site in 1916 (Taishō 5). During this survey, the sculpture of the Iron Seated Buddha (knee: width 212 cm x thickness 167 cm) was found enshrined in a hut. The sculpture was moved to Gyeongbokgung Palace in the following year. However, it is clear that the colossal Iron Seated Buddha was being housed at the Bowonsa Temple site at the start of the Japanese colonial era. This Iron Seated Buddha is presumed to have been produced in 955 by State Preceptor Beopin Tanmun (法印國師 坦文, 900-975). Tanmun was born into an influential family that produced many high officials. He became a leading figure in the Hwaeom (Flower Garland) school of Buddhism under the patronage of King Taejo. He also led Buddhist events at the Goryeo royal court during the reigns of King Hyejong (惠宗, r. 943-945) and King Jeongjong (定宗, r. 945-949). With the emergence of Gyunyeo (均如, 923-973), who was sponsored by Queen Daemok (大穆王后, dates unknown) of the Hwangbo clan (皇甫氏), Tanmun was transferred to Bowonsa Temple far from Kaesong. However, even while there Tanmun strengthened his ties with his supporters under the patronage of the Chungju Yu clan. He appears to have produced this colossal sculpture of Iron Seated Buddha as a prayer for longevity and a happy life for King Gwangjong (光宗, r. 949-975). The inscription on the Stele of State Preceptor Beopin at Bowonsa Temple Site that reads "[I] created a Buddha triad in gold" also suggests the Iron Seated Buddha was produced at Bowonsa Temple. This Iron Seated Buddha is thought to have been enshrined originally in a hall at Building Site No. 3 within the Bowonsa Temple precinct. Since excavations at the temple site have revealed that the temple's main hall was erected in the Joseon period, the Iron Seated Buddha might have been enshrined in a different hall at the time of its creation. It is likely that the sculpture was placed in a hall at Building Site No. 3 since Goryeo-era roof tiles and porcelain have been frequently excavated there and the remains of a square Buddhist altar have survived at the site. At the time of its creation, the Iron Seated Buddha was likely enshrined in a Goryeo-era hall at Building Site No. 3 but was transferred to the main hall during a rebuilding project undertaken at Bowonsa Temple in the Joseon period.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.2
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• pp.1-10
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• 2023

This study aims to explore the significance of historic changes and cultural characteristics of landscape architecture in Korean Seowon. Seowon refers to educational private institutes that also served as Confucian shrines and were prevalent during the mid-to-late Joseon dynasty. Seowon comprised three distinct functional spaces: a shrine, a school, and a garden. The concept of Seowon's garden extended beyond designed landscapes to include the surrounding natural environment. The importance of landscape architecture in Seowon is rooted in its connection to the educational philosophy of these institutes. During the Joseon dynasty, scholars revered nature as a manifestation of Confucian ideals, and they believed that close engagement with nature was integral to self-discipline and learning. This research investigated fifteen relatively well-preserved garden in South Korea and conducted a comprehensive analysis of their gardens. The analysis revealed two key findings. Firstly, gardens in Seowon were actively designed and constructed during the early phase of Seowon culture but gradually diminished after the 17th century. This can be attributed to the shift in Seowon's purpose, with a greater emphasis on its religious function over education. Consequently, the significance and presence of landscape architecture in Seowon, which was closely related with its Confucianist education, declined. Secondly, the study explored the historical backgrounds of each Seowon's landscape architecture and found that many of them were designed or influenced by individuals who were later memorialized and deified in the Seowon's shrines. The landscape architecture created by these predecessors was carefully preserved by the faculties and students as a form of respect. Therefore, landscape architecture in Korean Seowon not only conveys the institutional purpose as an educational hub for the local society but also reflects the institute's strong relationship with the figures they worship as shrines.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.40
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• pp.269-305
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• 2020

Youngsan is generally known as Pansori Danga(短歌). However, the contents of 'Yeongsan' in 『Songnamjabji』 are different. In 『Songnamjabji』, Cho Jaesam explained the contents related to 'Youngsan' using three kinds of poems: Shin Kwangsoo's poem, Baegho Imje's poem, Kim Myeongwon's poem. First, 'Ujo Youngsan' appears in Shin Kwangsoo's poem. Shin Kwangsoo wrote the (1750) when Yoo Jinhan's 『Manhwajib(晩華集)』(1754) was published. It is difficult to see the 'Ujo Youngsan', which appears in Shin Kwangsoo's poem written in a time when Pansori was not widely known, as the Pansori Danga. Second, Jo Jaesam called the music in Baegho Imje's poem 'Youngsan Dodeueum'. In 'Youngsan Dodeueum', flute and 'Dodeuli rhythm' were used. This fact is connected with , an instrumental music. , also a Buddhist term, continued to be used in the palace as well as among the people. Third, Cho Jaesam introduced Kim Myeongwon's poem in 'Yeongsan' part and called it 'Taryeong.' At that time, the term 'Taryeong' referred to both Pansori and Jeongga(正歌). Later, in the 19th century, 'Youngsan' was recorded as a term for the Danga to loosen the neck before Pansori began in earnest. In other words, the early 'Yeongsan' recorded in 『Songnamjabji』 was a Buddhist term, referring to the music of the upper class Seonbi, such as , Gasa(歌詞) and Sijo(時調). In 1855, when 『Songnamjabji』 was written, 'Youngsan' was used as a term used to refer to both Changbu-Music and Gagaek(歌客)-Music, mixed with the term 'Taryeong'. And as Pansori became popular, the term 'Taryeong' came to be called 'Pansori' and 'Youngsan' was used to refer to Pansori Danga. Therefore, all the records of 'Youngsan' should not be interpreted as Pansori Danga. This situation is closely related to religious and social change. The policy of worshipping Confucianism and suppressing Buddhism rejected the term 'Youngsan' which had a Buddhist meaning. In the middle of Joseon Dynasty, when Buddhism was suppressed, 'Youngsan' and 'Taryeong' were mixed. As Buddhism regrown in the late Joseon Dynasty, with the advent of Pansori, the term 'Youngsan' seems to be newly resettled in the sense of Danga. Pansori appeared in the 19th century and 'Yeongsan' was used as a Danga. And the reason should be regarded as this social and religious change.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.23
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• pp.105-158
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• 2011

Due to the system of sending selected hyanggi(local entertaining woman) to the government office in Seoul after the abolition of the system of gyeonggi(entertaining woman in capital area) during the reign of King Injo(1595~1649), the kyobang-jeongjae(local dance performed for the provincial government office) had gotten into the court to be performed at the royal banquet as gungjung-jeongjae(court dance), one of which was seonyurak(dance of boating). It used to be performed for finale of the royal banquet in the late Joseon Dynasty and appeared in several uigwes(record for royal banquet) since its first appearance in the wonhaeng-eulmyo-jeongri-uigwe, documented in 1795, the 19th year of the reign of King Jeongjo. Considering that the yeoggi(female entertainer) responsible for the court dance, seonyurrak was the seonsanggi(selected entertaining woman from provinces) from the northwestern provincial villages such as Euiju, Ahnju, and Seongcheon etc., we can assume that the baettaragi, one of kyobang-jeongjaes whould have been getting into the court to become the seonyurrak as court dance. The baettaragi, kyobang-jeongjae of northwestern province that affected the development of the court dance, seonyurak was created as performance executed by entertaining women of kyobang(local supervisory office for entertaining women) on the basis of the fact that the envoy of Joseon dynasty to the Ming dynasty could not help but taking a sea route when Amaga Aisin Gurun had a grip on the northeastern area of China during the shift of power from Ming to Qing. There had been a lot of banquets for envoys in the northwestern province because of its geographical feature as gateway to trip to China and the baettaragi used to be performed by entertaining women belonged to local provincial office to consolate the sadness of separation with those who destined to depart to China and to hope for their safe return. The kyobang-jeongjae, baettaragi of northwestern province is recorded as performance with sorrowful song to put the pain of parting into work, according to many related documents. It puts together painted boats as props, the march of a couple of dancer dressed up as soldier with marching music called gochiak, the song and musical accompaniment before getting on boat, the dramatic expression of sailing, and the farewell song praying for safe return etc. It turns the situation of dispatching envoys for China by sea into performance with combination of music, song and dance. Created in this way, the kyobang-jeongjae, baettaragi had been performed at the various banquets for envoys departing for China and it affected the formation of court dance or gungjung-jeongjae called seonyurak through the activities of selected local entertaining women. It also exerted influence on other similar performance in provincial area because of the returning home of the selected local entertainers who finished their performance in Seoul and it had been performed with different variation at local banquet including locality in it.