• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.2
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• pp.15-28
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• 2021

'Cheonunjeongsa (天雲精舍)', designated as Gyeongsangbukdo Folklore Cultural Property No. 76, is a Siksanjeongsa built in 1700 by Manbu Lee Shiksan. In this study, we investigate the life and perspective of Manbu Lee in relation to Siksanjeongsa, and estimate the feng shui location, territoriality, and original landscape by analyzing 「Nuhangnok」 and 「Nuhando」, the results of his political management. The following results were derived by examining the philosophy that the scholar wanted to include in his space. First, Manbu Lee Shiksan was a representative hermit-type confucian scholar in the late Joseon Dynasty. 'Siksan', the name of the government official and the nickname of Manbu Lee, is derived from the mountain behind the village, and he wanted to rest in the four areas of thought(思), body(躬), speech(言), and friendship(交). During the difficult years of King Sukjong, Lee Manbu of a Namin family expressed his will to seclude through the title 'Siksan'. Second, There is a high possibility of restoration close to the original. Manbu Lee recorded the location of Siksanjeongsa, spatial structure, buildings and landscape facilities, trees, surrounding landscape, and usage behaviors in 「Nuhangnok」, and left a book of 《Nuhangdo》. Third, Manbu Lee refers to the feng shui geography view that Oenogok is closed in two when viewed from the outside, but is cozy and deep and can be seen from a far when entering inside. The whole village of Nogok was called Siksanjeongsa, which means through the name. It can be seen that the area was formed and expanded. Fourth, the spatial composition of Siksanjeongsa can be divided into a banquet space, an education space, a support space, a rest space, a vegetable and an herbal garden. The banquet space composed of Dang, Lu, and Yeonji is a personal space where Manbu Lee, who thinks about the unity of the heavenly people, the virtue of the gentleman, and humanity, is a place for lectures and a place to live. Fifth, Yangjeongjae area is an educational space, and Yangjeongjae is a name taken from the main character Monggwa, and it is a name that prayed for young students to grow brightly and academically. Sixth, the support space composed of Ganjijeong, Gobandae, and Sehandan is a place where the forested areas in the innermost part of Siksanjeongsa are cleared and a small pavilion is built using natural standing stones and pine trees as a folding screen. The virtue and grace of stopping. It contains the meaning of leisure and the wisdom of a gentleman. Seventh, outside the wall of Siksanjeongsa, across the eastern stream, an altar was built in a place with many old trees, called Yeonggwisa, and a place of rest was made by piling up an oddly shaped stone and planting flowers. Eighth, Manbu Lee, who knew the effects of vegetables and medicinal herbs in detail like the scholars of the Joseon Dynasty, cultivated a vegetable garden and an herbal garden in Jeongsa. Ninth, it can be seen that Lee Manbu realized the Neo-Confucian utopia in his political life by giving meaning to each space of Siksanjeongsa by naming buildings and landscaping facilities and planting them according to ancient events.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.50-80
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• 2021

This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.101
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• pp.12-46
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• 2022

Completed in 1467, the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple is the last Buddhist pagoda erected at the center of the capital (present-day Seoul) of the Joseon Dynasty. It was commissioned by King Sejo, the final Korean king to favor Buddhism. In this paper, I aim to examine King Sejo's intentions behind celebrating the tenth anniversary of his enthronement with the construction of the thirteen-story stone pagoda in the central area of the capital and the enshrinement of sarira from Shakyamuni Buddha and the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經). This paper provides a summary of this examination and suggests future research directions. The second chapter of the paper discusses the scriptural background for thirteen-story stone pagodas from multiple perspectives. I was the first to specify the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra (大般涅槃經後分) as the most direct and fundamental scripture for the erection of a thirteen-story stone pagoda. I also found that this sutra was translated in Central Java in the latter half of the seventh century and was then circulated in East Asia. Moreover, I focused on the so-called Kanishka-style stupa as the origin of thirteen-story stone pagodas and provided an overview of thirteen-story stone pagodas built around East Asia, including in Korea. In addition, by consulting Buddhist references, I prove that the thirteen stories symbolize the stages of the practice of asceticism towards enlightenment. In this regard, the number thirteen can be viewed as a special and sacred number to Buddhist devotees. The third chapter explores the Buddhist background of King Sejo's establishment of the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple. I studied both the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms (翻譯名義集) (which King Sejo personally purchased in China and published for the first time in Korea) and the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment. King Sejo involved himself in the first translation of the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment into Korean. The Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms was published in the fourteenth century as a type of Buddhist glossary. King Sejo is presumed to have been introduced to the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra, the fundamental scripture regarding thirteen-story pagodas, through the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms, when he was set to erect a pagoda at Wongaksa Temple. King Sejo also enshrined the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment inside the Wongaksa pagoda as a scripture representing the entire Tripitaka. This enshrined sutra appears to be the vernacular version for which King Sejo participated in the first Korean translation. Furthermore, I assert that the original text of the vernacular version is the Abridged Commentary on the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經略疏) by Zongmi (宗密, 780-841), different from what has been previously believed. The final chapter of the paper elucidates the political semantics of the establishment of the Wongaksa pagoda by comparing and examining stone pagodas erected at neungsa (陵寺) or jinjeonsawon (眞殿寺院), which were types of temples built to protect the tombs of royal family members near their tombs during the early Joseon period. These stone pagodas include the Thirteen-story Pagoda of Gyeongcheonsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Gaegyeongsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Yeongyeongsa Temple, and the Multi-story Stone Pagoda of Silleuksa Temple. The comparative analysis of these stone pagodas reveals that King Sejo established the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda at Wongaksa Temple as a political emblem to legitimize his succession to the throne. In this paper, I attempt to better understand the scriptural and political semantics of the Wongaksa pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. By providing a Korean case study, this attempt will contribute to the understanding of Buddhist pagoda culture that reached its peak during the late Goryeo and early Joseon periods. It also contributes to the research on thirteen-story pagodas in East Asia that originated with Kanishka stupa and were based on the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.39 no.1
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• pp.15-26
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• 1994

To understand the relative contribution of varietal and environmental variation on various grain quality components in rice, grain appearance, milling recovery, several physicochemical properties of rice grain and texture or palatability of cooked rice for milled rice materials of seven cultivars(five japonica & two Tongil-type), produced at six locations of the middle and southern plain area of Korea in 1989, were evaluated and analyzed the obtained data. Highly significant varietal variations were detected in all grain quality components of the rice materials and marked locational variations with about 14-54% portion of total variation were recognized in grain appearance, milling recovery, alkali digestibility, protein content, K /Mg ratio, gelatinization temperature, breakdown and setback viscosities. Variations of variety x location interaction were especially large in overall palatability score of cooked rice and consistency or set- back viscosities of amylograph. Tongil-type cultivars showed poor marketing quality, lower milling recovery, slightly lower alkali digestibility and amylose content, a little higher protein content and K /Mg ratio, relatively higher peak, breakdown and consistency viscosities, significantly lower setback viscosity, and more undesirable palatability of cooked rice compared with japonica rices. The japonica rice varieties possessing good palatability of cooked rice were slightly low in protein content and a little high in K /Mg ratio and stickiness /hardness ratio of cooked rice. Rice 1000-kernel weight was significantly heavier in rice materials produced in Iri lowland compared with other locations. Milling recovery from rough to brown rice and ripening quality were lowest in Milyang late-planted rice while highest in Iri lowland and Gyehwa reclaimed-land rice. Amylose content of milled rice was about 1% lower in Gyehwa rice compared with other locations. Protein content of polished rice was about 1% lower in rice materials of middle plain area than those of southern plain regions. K/Mg ratio of milled rice was lowest in Iri rice while highest in Milyang rice. Alkali digestibility was highest in Milyang rice while lowest in Honam plain rice, but the temperature of gelatinization initiation of rice flour in amylograph was lowest in Suwon and Iri rices while highest in Milyang rice. Breakdown viscosity was lowest in Milyang rice and next lower in Ichon lowland rice while highest in Gyehwa and Iri rices, and setback viscosity was the contrary tendency. The stickiness/hardness ratio of cooked rice was slightly lower in southern-plain rices than in middle-plain ones, and the palatability of cooked rice was best in Namyang reclaimed-land rice and next better with the order of Suwon$\geq$Iri$\geq$Ichon$\geq$Gyehwa$\geq$Milyang rices. The rice materials can be classified genotypically into two ecotypes of japonica and Tongil-type rice groups, and environmentally into three regions of Milyang, middle and Honam lowland by the distribution on the plane of 1st and 2nd principal components contracted from eleven grain quality properties closely associated with palatability of cooked rice by principal component analysis.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.230-246
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• 2023

The wooden fence(木柵), which began to appear in the Bronze Age and is presumed to be the oldest defense facility in human history, was used as a fortress for the purpose of further strengthening military defense functions until after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 in the Joseon Dynasty(壬辰倭亂). As it was established as the concept of a fortress or a fence installed outside a fence castle(城柵) or barracks fence(營柵), its importance as an essential facility for defense was further highlighted. This study is the result of exploring wooden fence that were used as official facilities during the Joseon Dynasty, focusing on literature surveys such as 『Annals of the Joseon Dynasty』 and 『New Jeungdonggukyeojiseungram』 In this study, in particular, the conclusion of this study is as follows, focusing on the use and function of Nokgakseong(鹿角城), underwater wooden fence, installation methods, and materials of wooden fences, is as follows. The conclusions of this study, which focused on the materials of the wooden fence, are as follows. First, as invasions by foreign enemies became more frequent in the late Goryeo and early Joseon Dynasty, wooden fences played a major role as a major out-of-castle defense facility((防禦施設). In addition, wooden fences were modified and installed into various types such as wooden fences(木柵城), Nokgakseong, a fence made up of large branches in the shape of a deer antler, and underwater wooden fences(水中木柵) according to the circumstances of the times, government policy, and location environment. Second, wooden fences were installed in strategic locations in defense facilities for military purposes, such as mountain fortress(山城), fortresses(營), camps(鎭), forts(堡), and castles(邑城) in strategic locations, and were used for defense in case of emergency. According to the urgency of farming, it was installed in accordance with the non-farming season, when it is easy to mobilize manpower to avoid the busy farming season. The size of the wooden fence of the Joseon Dynasty, which are confirmed through literature records, was converted into Pobaekchuk(布帛尺), and the circumference was very diverse from 4,428chuk(2,066m) to 55chuk(25m). Third, Nokgakseong is an efficient combat support facility that is more aggressive than a general wooden fence, and the records of Nokgakseong in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty appeared during the King Sejong period the record was 20 times, the most. By region, it was found that it was mainly installed in coastal rugged areas such as Pyeongan and Hamgildo(12), which are the 6-jin areas of the 4th Army. Fourth, in the early 15th century, as the royal court established a maritime defense strategy for the coastal area of the southern coast, after the Sampo Invasion(三浦倭亂), riots by Japanese settlers in Sampo in 1510, major military posts including eupseong(邑城), camps, and forts were established. The installation of underwater barriers around various government facilities rapidly increased as a defense facility to block the warships of Japanese pirates around various government facilities. Fifth, between the 15th and 17th centuries before and after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in Sampo, underwater fences were installed in the Southern coast and Ganghwa Island. In particular, in the 15th century, underwater fences were intensively installed in coastal areas of Gyeongsangnam-do, such as Jepo. Pine trees and Oaks are the main materials used for underwater fences, but other materials such as Oldham's meliosma, Loose-flower hornbeam and The vines of arrowroots were also used as materials for wooden fences.

• Korean Journal of Weed Science
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.33-41
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• 1986

This experiment was conducted to determine the influence of weed competition in sesame and the periods for weed control. Competition periods (days), for which sesame was seeded under transparent polyethylene film at May 15, were 10, 15, 30, 45, 60, 75, 90, and full growth season of sesame. Weed control periods (days), for which sesame was seeded under black polyethylene film at June 15, were 10, 15, 30, 45, 60, and full growth season of sesame. Dominant weeds were Ponulaca oleracea, Digitaria sanguinalis, Acalypha australis, L. Cyperus arnuricus, Arenaria aesrphllifolia, Cardamine flexucosa, Mollugo Stricta and Digitaria eschaemum. The number of weeds was maximum at the 30 days after planting. Broad leaf weeds were dominant than grass weeds, and then decreased the total number of weeds by the reason of major decrease of broad leaf weeds. However, the weight of weeds increased continuously. No weeds appeared until the 15 days after planting and the weight of broad leaf weeds was heavier than that of grass weeds until 45 days after planting. However, grass weeds were heavier than broad leaf weeds after 60 days after planting. The hazards of weeds on the growth and development appeared seriously from the 60 to 75 days after planting, but main yield reduction appeared from 30 days after planting. Therefore once more hand weeding should be practiced within 30 days after planting to minimize yield decrease. Serious hazards by weed growing appeared by removing black PE film after 15 to 30 days after planting in growth characteristics and 30 days later in grain yield. Leaf growth showed maximum from 45 to 60 days after planting and then decreased as compared with the continuous increase of stem and root in optimum planting, transparent PE film mulch and hand weeding. Leaf growth didn't show reducing in PE film mulch and weedy check but total weight of weeds increased and growth of sesame decreased as compared to PE film mulch and hand weeding. Leaf, stem and root growth of sesame, and weed weight under black PE film mulch showed same tendancy and lower growth of sesame as compared with optimum planting, transparent PE film mulch. Correlation between sesame yield and weeds weight were r =$ -0.874^{**}$ in the optimum planting and r = $-0.712^{**}$ in the late planting, so that the more weeds increase, the lesser sesame yield.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.386-408
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• 1988

A study was conducted to develop a model for estimating evapotranspiration and yield of Chinese cabbages from meteorological factors from 1981 to 1986 in Suweon, Korea. Lysimeters with water table maintained at 50cm depth were used to measure the potential evapotranspiration and the maximum evapotranspiration in situ. The actual evapotranspiration and the yield were measured in the field plots irrigated with different soil moisture regimes of -0.2, -0.5, and -1.0 bars, respectively. The soil water content throughout the profile was monitored by a neutron moisture depth gauge and the soil water potentials were measured using gypsum block and tensiometer. The fresh weight of Chinese cabbages at harvest was measured as yield. The data collected in situ were analyzed to obtain parameters related to modeling. The results were summarized as followings: 1. The 5-year mean of potential evapotranspiration (PET) gradually increased from 2.38 mm/day in early April to 3.98 mm/day in mid-June, and thereafter, decreased to 1.06 mm/day in mid-November. The estimated PET by Penman, Radiation or Blanney-Criddle methods were overestimated in comparison with the measured PET, while those by Pan-evaporation method were underestimated. The correlation between the estimated and the measured PET, however, showed high significance except for July and August by Blanney-Criddle method, which implied that the coefficients should be adjusted to the Korean conditions. 2. The meteorological factors which showed hgih correlation with the measured PET were temperature, vapour pressure deficit, sunshine hours, solar radiation and pan-evaporation. Several multiple regression equations using meteorological factors were formulated to estimate PET. The equation with pan-evaporation (Eo) was the simplest but highly accurate. PET = 0.712 + 0.705Eo 3. The crop coefficient of Chinese cabbages (Kc), the ratio of the maximum evapotranspiration (ETm) to PET, ranged from 0.5 to 0.7 at early growth stage and from 0.9 to 1.2 at mid and late growth stages. The regression equation with respect to the growth progress degree (G), ranging from 0.0 at transplanting day to 1.0 at the harvesting day, were: $$Kc=0.598+0.959G-0.501G^2$$ for spring cabbages $$Kc=0.402+1.887G-1.432G^2$$ for autumn cabbages 4. The soil factor (Kf), the ratio of the actual evapotranspiration to the maximum evapotranspiration, showed 1.0 when the available soil water fraction (f) was higher than a threshold value (fp) and decreased linearly with decreasing f below fp. The relationships were: Kf=1.0 for $$f{\geq}fp$$ Kf=a+bf for f$$I{\leq}Esm$$ Es = Esm for I > Esm 6. The model for estimating actual evapotranspiration (ETa) was based on the water balance neglecting capillary rise as: ETa=PET. Kc. Kf+Es 7. The model for estimating relative yield (Y/Ym) was selected among the regression equations with the measured ETa as: Y/Ym=a+bln(ETa) The coefficients and b were 0.07 and 0.73 for spring Chinese cabbages and 0.37 and 0.66 for autumn Chinese cabbages, respectively. 8. The estimated ETa and Y/Ym were compared with the measured values to verify the model established above. The estimated ETa showed disparities within 0.29mm/day for spring Chinese cabbages and 0.19mm/day for autumn Chinese cabbages. The average deviation of the estimated relative yield were 0.14 and 0.09, respectively. 9. The deviations between the estimated values by the model and the actual values obtained from three cropping field experiments after the completion of the model calibration were within reasonable confidence range. Therefore, this model was validated to be used in practical purpose.

• Korean Journal of Agricultural Science
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.396-450
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• 1982

To obtain basic information on the Korean local corn lines a total of 57 lines were selected from 1,000 Korean local collection at Chungnam National University, classified by principal component analysis, and genetic nature was investigated. The results are summarized as follows. 1. There were a great variation in mean values of plant characters of the lines. The mean values of plant characters except for density of kernels varied with types of crossing. All characters except. for tasselling dates were reduced in magnitude when selfed, while those characters were increased when topcrossed. 2. The correlation coefficients among characters studied ranged front 0.99 to -0.59. The correlation coefficients among characters were not greatly changed depending upon types of crosses. 3. In order to classify the lines more effectively, selected 12 plant characters were used to classify 57 local lines by principal component analysis. The first four component could explain 86.4%, 83.4% and 81.1% of the total variations in sibbed lines, selfed lines and topcrossed lines, respectively. 4. Contribution of characters to principal component was high at upper principal components and low at lower principal components. 5. Biological meaning of the principal component and plant types corresponding to the each principal component were explained clearly by the correlation coefficient between principal components and characters. The first principal component appeared to correspond to the size of plant and ear. The second principal component appeared to correspond to the degree of differentiation in organs and the duration of vegetative growing period. But biological meaning of the third and fourth principal components was not clear. 6. The lines were classified into 4 lineal groups by the taxonomic distance. Group I included 52 lines which was 91.2% of total lines, group II 3 lines, group III 1 lines and group IV I lines, respectively. Four groups could be characterized as follows : Group I : early maturity, short-culmed, medium height plant, small ears, medium kernels and medium yielding. Group II : late maturity, medium height plant, small ears, small kernels, prolific ears and higher yielding. Group III : medium maturity, tall-culmed, small ears, small kernels and low yielding. Group IV : medium maturity, tall-calmed, large ears, one ear plant and me yielding. 7. The inbreeding depression varied with plant characters and lines. The characters such as yield, kernel weight per ear, ear weight and plant height showed great degree of inbreeding depression. Group I showed high inbreeding depression in such characters as 100 kernel weight, leaf number, plant height and days to tasselling, while group II showed high inbreeding depression in other plant characters. 8. Heterosis of plant characters varied also with lines. The ear weight, kernel weight per ear, yield, 100 kernel weight, and plant height were some of the plant characters showing high heterosis. Group II showed high values of heterosis in such characters as ear length, ear diameter, ear weight, kernel weight per ear, 100 kernel weight, and leaf length, while group I was high in heterosis in other plant characters. 9. The degree of homozgosity was highest in ear weight (79.1%) and lowest in ear number per plant (-21%). Group II showed higher degree of homozygosity than group I. 10. Correlation coefficients between characters of ribbed and topcrossed lines were positive for all characters. Highly significant. correlation coefficients between ribbed and topcrossed lines were obtained especially for characters such as ear number per plant, plant height, leaf length and yield per plot.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.115-124
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• 1968

It was shown that the most desirable characters for kenaf are high-fiber weight and moderately early maturity. Therefore, the objectives of this research on this crop is to find varieties possessing these characteristics. The experiments covered in this report provided new information relative to segregation, mode of inheritance, estimate of the number of genes involved in fiber weight and their response to short day length of 10 hours and the qualitative characters, such as, color of stem, capsule, petiole and shape of leaves. The associations which exist among these characters are also indicated. Fiber weight per plant, days to flowering, Stem color, Petiole color, Capsule color, and shape of leaves were studied in parental, $F_1$.$F_2$and backcross populations of a cross between Dashkent, a low-fiber weight but early maturing kenaf variety, and G 38 F-1, a high-fiber weight but late maturing kenaf variety. Crosses were made using the varieties, Dashkent and G 38 F-1 as parents. The Dashkent parent had the following characteristics: green stems, capsules and petioles and lobed shaped leaves; 105.8234 mean-days to flowering in the field, and 106.9222 mean-days under 10 hours short day treatment. The other parent, G 38 F-1 had red stems yellow capsules and red petioles and unlobed shaped leaves; 149.8921 mean-days to flowering in the field, and 62.3684 mean-days under 10 hours short day treatment. Both of the parents, $F_1$, $F_2$, $BC_1$ ($F_1$ X Dashkent, ) and $BC_2$($F_1$ ${\times}$ G38F-1) of the kenaf cross were grown at the Crops Experiment Station, Suwon, Korea in 1965. Color of stems, petioles and capsules, and shape of leaves were noted to be simply inherited as a single factor. Red stem color was dominant over green stem color, red petiole color was dominant over green petiole, lobed shaped leaves were dominant over unlobed shaped leaves and yellow capsules were dominant over green capsule. It was, also, noted that the factor for color of petiole was linked with the factor for shape of leaf with a 11.9587 percent recombination value, however no interaction or linkage were found among the color of stem and capsule color. Using Powers partitioning method, theoretical means and frequency distributions for each population, the days to flowering were calculated with the assumption that two gene pairs were involved. The values obtained fitted the theoretical values. In general this would indicate that Dashkent and G 38 F -1 were differentiated by two gene pairs. Heritability values were calculated as the percent of additive genetic variance. Heritability value of days to flowering, 89.5% in the broad sense and 79.91% in the narrow sense, indicated that the selection for this character would be effective in relatively early generations. Particularly, high positive correlations were found between days to flowering and the color of petioles and shape of leaves. However, there was no relation between days to flowering and capsule color nor between these and stem color. On the basis of the results of this experiment there is evidence that the hereditary factor for shape of leaves and the color of petioles is linked with an effective factor or factors for the characters of days to flowering. The association was sufficiently close to offer a possible simple and efficient means of selection for moderately early mat. uring plants by leaf shape and petiole color selection. Again using Powers partitioning method the frequency distribution for each population to the fiber weight were calculated with the assumption that two gene pairs, AaBb, were involved. Both phenotypic and genotypic dominance were complete. The obtained value did not agree with the theoretical value for $F_2$ and $BC_1$ ($F_1$ ${\times}$ Dashkent.) It seems that Dashkent and G 38 F-1 were differentiated by two major gene pairs but some the other minor genes are necessary. It is certain that the hereditary factor for shape of leaves and color of petioles is linked with an effective factor or factors for fiber weight. Also, high. yielding plants with moderately early maturity were found in the $F_2$ population. Thus, simultaneous selection for high-fiber yield and moderately early maturing plants should be possible in these populations. Phenotypic and genotypic correlation coefficients between fiber weight per plant and days to flowering, stem height and stem diameter were calculated. In general, genotypic correlations are higher than the phenotypic correlation. The highest correlation is found between stem height and fiber weight per plant (0.7852 in genotypic and 0.4103 in phenotypic) and between days to flowering and fiber weight per plant (0.7398 in genotypic and 0.3983 in phenotypic.) It was also expected that the selection of high stem height and moderately early maturing plants were given the efficient means of selection for high fiber weight.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.31-71
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• 1968

To clarify the breeding behavior of the hybrids between tropical and temperate area rice varieties, investigations were made on heading days and grain sterility. In this study, crosses were made in half way diallel involving 7 varieties: 2 photoperied sensitive Indicas, 2 less sensitive intermediate Indicas, 1 Ponlai Japonica and 2 high temperature sensitive Japonicas. The parents and $F_1$s were grown under 10 hours and 14 hours daylength controlled conditions at both IRRI(International Rice Research Institute, N$14^{\circ}$17') and Suwon(N$37^{\circ}$16'). F2s with their parents were grown at IRRI in the short day season, and at Suwon under natural conditions. Fa lines with their parents were grown at Suwon under natural conditions. Observations were made for heading days and sterility. The results are summarized as follow; 1. Heading days : 1. For the $F_1$s, earliness showed dominance or overdominance to lateness under the 10 hours condition, and dominance or partial dominance under the 14 hours conditions, at both IRRI and Suwon. 2. For the $F_2$s grown at IRRI during the shortday season earliness appeared to be dominant over lateness and segregation was not distinct and continuous. In the early season culture of $F_2$s at Suwon earliness showed partial dominance or was intermediate. In the proper season culture of $F_2$s lateness showed partial dominance or was intermediate. 3. In the combinations between late parental varieties which do not head at Suwon, transgressive segregants bearing effective panicles were obtained. 4. The crosses of parental varieties having long basic vegetative growth duration showed bigger variance in heading days, and significant correlation was found between of parental varieties and the mean coefficient of variance for parental arrays. 5. The means of heading days of F2 populations were significantly correlated with those of $F_1$ or mid-parents. The means of F 8 lines were also highly correlated with the means of $F_2$s, but, the means of $F_3$ lines grown at Suwon and of their parental $F_2$ individual, grown at IRRI were not correlated. 6. A faint heritability was calculated from the regression of $F_3$ lines grown at Suwon on the $F_2$ individuals grown at IRRI for most combinations, especially in the combinations involving shortday sensitive varieties. This implies low efficiency for the selection of heading days of $F_2$ individuals at IRRI to be grown in lines at Suwon. 7. No significant reciprocal effects were measured for $F_1$ and $F_2$ mean heading days. 8. Partitioning the observed photoperiod sensitivity. into two components, parental array mean md the deviation from this array mean, the parental photoperiod sensitivity contributing to the hybrids was measured in terms of general and specific combining ability for photoperiod sensitivity. 9. The photoperiod sensitivity of $F_1$s was higher than that of the parents, and it decreased as the generation progressed in most combinations of tested varieties. 10. The response of heading days to difference of temperature was weaker for $F_1$ hybrids than for the parents. The differences of temperature responses between the longday and shortday treatments were specific for the variety. 2. Sterility : 1. The $F_1$ sterility was specific for the combinations and not correlated to the parental sterility. The sterility of $F_1$s grown under the 10 hours condition was higher than of those grown under 14 hours. These results were the same at both locations, IRRI and Suwon. 2. The high sterile combinations in $F_1$ showed high sterility in $F_2$. The combinations between a high photoperiod sensitive variety and a high temperature sensitive variety showed high sterility and wider variance. 3. The mean sterility of $F_2$s was lower than of $F_1$s and the mean of $F_3$ lines was lower than of $F_2$s. Sterility decreased as the generation progressed, and the differences of $F_3$ sterility of different combinations were not significant. 4. A faint correlation between grain sterility and pollen sterility was observed in $F_2$ populations. 5. No significant reciprocal effects were measured in $F_1$ and $F_2$ sterility. 6. Following Griffing's method, specific combining ability effects were higher than general combining ability effects, especially in the combinations between highly photoperiod sensitive varieties and highly temperature sensitive varieties. 7. No distinct correlations were found between $F_2$ individual sterility grown at IRRI and $F_3$ line sterility grown at Suwon. 8. No distinct correlations were observed between heading days and sterility of $F_2$ individuals.