• Journal of Conservation Science
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• v.38 no.2
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• pp.133-143
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• 2022

In this study, we analyzed the rickshaw (Owned by the Daegu Modern History Museum) by measuring each material. The purpose of the study was to identify the materials in modern cultural assets that utilize a variety of materials in a complex way, and establish basic data for preservation and management. Using portable X-ray fluorescence analyzers (P-XRF), species identification, fiber identification, paint film analysis (microscope observation, SEM-EDS, FTIR) on metal, wood, fiber and paint was carried out. Brass, an alloy of Copper, Zinc and Iron, was measured in the metal parts. Further, wooden parts, such as Oak (Quercus acutissima), Japanese Cedar (Cryptomeria japonica), Bamboo (Bambusoideae). Torreya nucifera (Torreya spp.) were identified in the body. Fiber parts consisted mainly of cotton, but some parts were also made of leather. In terms of paint, rickshaws were applied with multiple layers, using cashew (synthetic paint used in place of lacquer). In sum, the rickshaw body part appeared to overlap with layers of fiber, metal (soild), paint, and colored (black, red) layer.

• Korean Journal of Food Science and Technology
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.8-13
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• 2010

Bisphenol A diglycidyl ether (BADGE) and bisphenol F diglycidyl ether (BFDGE) were obtained by a polymerization reaction of epichlorohydrin (ECH) with bisphenol A (BPA) or bisphenol F (BPF). These compounds are commonly used as monomers or additives such as a polymerization stabilizer and a hydrochloric acid scavenger of epoxy resin, polyvinyl chloride (PVC)-containing organosols and polyester lacquers, that are applied to the internal surface of most canned foods to impart chemical resistance. The unreacted BADGE, BFDGE and their reaction products migrating from epoxy resin, PVC-containing organosol and/or polyester lacquer-based food packaging materials into the foods have recently become an issue of great concern because of increased customer demand for safety. This study was conducted to develop a rapid and sensitive simultaneous analysis method based on HPLC/FLD and HPLC/APCI-mass and to evaluate the concentration of BADGE, BFDGE and their metabolites, BADGE $H_2O$, BADGE $2H_2O$, BADGE HCl, BADGE 2HCl, BADGE HCl $H_2O$, BFDGE $H_2O$, BFDGE $2H_2O$, BFDGE HCl, BFDGE 2HCl and BFDGE HCl $H_2O$ for 133 canned food samples. The method provided a linearity of 0.9997-0.9999, a limit of detection of $0.01-0.13\;{\mu}g/mL$, a limit of quantitation of $0.03-0.44\;{\mu}g/mL$ and a recovery (%) of 85.64-118.18. The number of samples containing BADGE, BFDGE or their metabolites were: 28/133 (21.1%), with levels of 0.400-0.888 mg/kg being observed for aqueous foods (19/133) and 0.093-0.506 mg/kg being observed for oily foods (9/133).

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.89 no.2
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• pp.208-215
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• 2000

In order to improve 'Salso' method (conventional tapping method) which was very inefficient in the aspects of collection time and labor, this study was carried out to investigate the effect of the application date and the distance from treatment point in the lactree(Rhus verniciflua) treated with 10% CEPA and to decide the possibility of application of the technique in the field. Bark thickness was significantly increased to the part 40cm above and below the treatment point, but urushiol content was increased to the part 20cm above and 10cm below the zone treated with 10% CEPA. The urushiol content of the bark was highest at 5cm above the treated zone and decreased in the order of 10, 20, and 40cm. And the urushiol contents of the bark of the upper part were higher than that of the low part. The effects of CEPA on bark thickness were similar to urushiol contents. Urushiol production of lactree is highly dependent on climatic conditions and particularly on the precipitation, and duration of sunshine. Ten percent of CEPA-lanolin pastes which was treated on June 16 affected bark anatomy and urushiol contents, while the treatment on August 24 did not affect. In the Rhus verniciflua treated with 10% CEPA, the urushiol contents was initially increased from 7 days after treatment, continued for the 4 weeks, and then slight decrease occurred at 5 weeks after the treatment. We measured a total sap yield by Salso method in lactree treated with 10% CEPA. By applying 10% CEPA, the sap yield was increased 3-4 times compared to that of untreated trees in the first tapping. But the relative ratio was gradually decreased from the second tapping to sixth, and after seventh tapping, the untreated trees secreted more sap than the treated trees. We discussed about the causes.

• Food Science and Preservation
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• v.22 no.5
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• pp.674-682
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• 2015

In this study, vinegar was produced using urushiol-free fermented Rhus verniciflua extract to create a lacquer with added value. The effect of manufacturing conditions on the quality of vinegar using detoxified R. verniciflua extract for fermentation was investigated. The acidity of the vinegar for inoculations with various liquid starter contents was 4.8~4.9%, and it was similar among all treatment groups. The acidity of vinegar was higher when the initial alcohol content was high. The acetic acid yields were 82.8%, 84.4%, 77.7%, and 69.5%, and the maximum yield was observed when the initial alcohol content was 6%. For acetic acid fermentation using different amounts of detoxified R. verniciflua extracts, the acidity of the vinegar with the extract after fermentation was 5.3~5.9%. However, the acidity of vinegar without the extract was 5.5%. The intensity of the brown color was high for vinegar without the extract. Hunter's L values were high for vinegar with an extract content of 2%. Acetic acid (53.3~65.8 mg/mL) was the predominant acid. Arginine ($190.3{\sim}333.3{\mu}g/mL$), proline ($125.6{\sim}290.8{\mu}g/mL$), alanine ($126.1{\sim}270.9{\mu}g/mL$), and glutamic acid ($159.0{\sim}262.4{\mu}g/mL$) were the predominant amino acids in detoxified R. verniciflua vinegar.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.1
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• pp.48-65
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• 2018

The authors of this paper aim to make a record of the construction process, its symbolic meaning, and the changes in the status of the landscape plants at the Pasanseodang according to the Report on the Pasanseodang written by Park Gyu-hyun in 1874. First, the construction of Samgahun Pavilion, which is located in Myo-ri, Habin-myun, Dalsung-gun, Daegu, took about 90 years and spanned the lifetimes of Park Sungsoo, an 11th-generation descendant of Park Paengnyun (1417~1456) through to Park Kyuhyun, a 14th-generation descendant. It was called the shape of dragon, with its head facing the tail (回龍顧尾形), in feng shui. Second, the village of Pahwoe was founded in 1769, the 45th year of the reign of King Yeongjo, by Park Sungsoo for the purpose of socializing with his friends at his thatched home, and was named after his own courtesy name (Samgahun). Park Kwangseok, the second son of Park Sungsoo, built the sarangchae in 1826 and the anchae in 1869 after his marriage (in 1783). Then, Park Kyuhyun, the grandson of Park Kwangseok, built the pond and planted it with lotus flowers, and built the Hayeopjeong in 1874. The Pasanseodang, as the precursor of the Hayeopjeong, may be related with the name of the hillside region behind Samgahun. Third, a quadrangular-shaped pond with a length of 21m and a width of 15m was also built and planted with lotus flowers. In the center of the pond is a small round island that reflects the world view of the Chosun dynasty, i.e. that the sky is round and the landmass is quadrangular. Meanwhile, the name of the Hayeopjeon reflects the value system of aristocrats who lived a life of leisure and artistic indulgence. They called the eastern room "Yeeyeonhun" (怡燕軒) and the western room "Mongyangjae" (蒙養齋), names which embody their wishes for a good life as a member of the nobility and a bright future for one's descendants. Fourth, in Confucian terms, the authors infer the points of view reflected in the kinds of trees that were planted according to Confucian norms (pine tree, lotus, bamboo), the living philosophy of sustainability (willow), the ideology of seclusion and the search for peace of mind (bamboo), and relief efforts for the poor and a life of practicality (chestnut, oak, wild walnut, lacquer). The authors assert that this way of planting trees was a highly effective design feature of landscape architecture that drew on the locational and symbolic significance of the Seodang. Fifth, the majority of the trees that were initially planted withered and were replaced with different species, except for the locust and lotus, at this point. Nevertheless, a review of the process of construction, symbolic meaning, and original architectural landscape of the Samgahun is of value in demonstrating the extended symbolic meaning of their descendants in terms of the practical loss of the function of the Seodang, the values of Feng Sui (red in the east, white in the west, based on the principles of Feng Sui), the function of repelling evils spirits (kalopanax, trifoliate orange), aesthetic and practical values (sweetbrier, apricot, pear, peach, and oriental oak trees), and the prosperity of the family and the timeless value of honest poverty (silk, crape myrtle, and yew trees).

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.3
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• pp.106-130
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• 2009

The aim of this paper is analysis of structure and development pattern about wooden coffin and chamber tombs in Gyeongju from the 2nd century B.C. to the 3rd century A.D. for researching to socio-political tendency and growth process of Sarokuk. Tombs buried with iron objects were built in Youngnam(嶺南) from the 2nd century B.C. with spread wooden coffin with stone mound(積石木棺墓). Also medium or small sized wooden coffin tombs buried with bronze mirror of western Han(前漢) and soft stoneware(瓦質土器) were appeared the 2nd century B.C. in Gyeongju, because of establishment of Han's commanderies(漢郡縣) in the Korean Peninsula and refuge from Daedong river(大同江) to Jinhan(辰韓). Separate tombs(獨立墓) with lots of bronze object ware assumed high ranked tombs of parsonage(司祭王) or local chief(地域首長). From the 2nd century A.D. the size of wooden coffin tombs became enlarged and funerary objects ware abundant, for example Sarari 130th tomb(舍羅里 130號). The burying pattern of this tomb is similar to wooden chamber tombs in Lelang(樂浪), which had prestige goods like lacquer ware and bronze mirror in wood box(木匣) beside coffin. Appearance of these wooden chamber tombs that were different from original wooden coffin tombs imply interaction between Lelang and these area with iron. Sarari community that held right of trade and distribution to outside through the geographical advantage grew up centered position in Gyeongju politically, socially, and culturally. Chamber in tomb as a new structural notion that can secure funerary objects became firmly was established from the 2nd century A.D. in Gyeongju and large sized wooden chamber tombs were generally built early of the 3rd century A.D. This tendency was reflected in stratification of community and growth as center of local state. After late of the 3rd century A.D. Gyeongju type wooden chamber tomb(慶州式木槨墓) which had subordinate outer coffin(副槨) was appeared and then subordinate outer coffin was as bigger as main chamber(主槨) the 4th century A.D., because of centralization and stratification in society and unification of various communities among the Gyeongju area.

• Asia Marketing Journal
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.1-22
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• 2013

This case focuses on Shanghai Tang, the first truly Chinese luxury brand that appeals to both Westerners and, more recently, to Chinese consumers worldwide. A visionary and wealthy businessman Sir David Tang created this company from scratch in 1994 in Hong Kong. Its story, spanned over almost two decades, has been fascinating. It went from what best a Chinese brand could be in the eyes of Westerners who love the Chinese culture, to a nearly-bankrupted company in 1998, before being acquired by Richemont, the second largest luxury group in the world. Since then, its turnaround has been spectacular with a growing appeal among Chinese luxury consumers who represent the core segment of the luxury industry today. The main objective of this case study is to formally examine how Shanghai Tang overcame its downfall and re-emerged as one the very few well- known Chinese luxury brands. More specifically, this case highlights the ways with which Shanghai Tang made a transitional change from a brand for Westerners who love the Chinese culture, to a brand for both, Westerners who love the Chinese culture and Chinese who love luxury. A close examination reveals that Shanghai Tang has followed the brand identity concept that consists of two major components: functional and emotional. The functional component for developing a luxury brand concerns all product characteristics that will make a product 'luxurious' in the eyes of the consumer, such as premium quality of cachemire from Mongolia, Chinese silk, lacquer, finest leather, porcelain, and jade in the case of Shanghai Tang. The emotional component consists of non-functional symbolic meanings of a brand. The symbolic meaning marks the major difference between a premium and a luxury brand. In the case of Shanghai Tang, its symbolic meaning refers to the Chinese culture and the brand aims to represent the best of Chinese traditions and establish itself as "the ambassador of modern Chinese style". It touches the Chinese heritage and emotions. Shanghai Tang has reinvented the modern Chinese chic by drawing back to the stylish decadence of Shanghai in the 1930s, which was then called the "Paris of the East", and this is where the brand finds inspiration to create its own myth. Once the functional and emotional components assured, Shanghai Tang has gone through a four-stage development to become the first global Chinese luxury brand: introduction, deepening, expansion, and revitalization. Introduction: David Tang discovered a market gap and had a vision to launch the first Chinese luxury brand to the world. The key success drivers for the introduction and management of a Chinese luxury brand are a solid brand identity and, above all, a creative mind, an inspired person. This was David Tang then, and this is now Raphael Le Masne de Chermont, the current Executive Chairman. Shanghai Tang combines Chinese and Western elements, which it finds to be the most sustainable platform for drawing consumers. Deepening: A major objective of the next phase is to become recognized as a luxury brand and a fashion or design authority. For this purpose, Shanghai Tang has cooperated with other well-regarded luxury and lifestyle brands such as Puma and Swarovski. It also expanded its product lines from high-end custom-made garments to music CDs and restaurant. Expansion: After the opening of his first store in Hong Kong in 1994, David Tang went on to open his second store in New York City three years later. However this New York retail operation was a financial disaster. Barely nineteen months after the opening, the store was shut down and quietly relocated to a cheaper location of Madison Avenue. Despite this failure, Shanghai Tang products found numerous followers especially among Western tourists and became "souvenir-like" must-haves. However, despite its strong brand DNA, the brand did not generate enough repeated sales and over the years the company cumulated heavy debts and became unprofitable. Revitalizing: After its purchase by Richemont in 1998, Le Masne de Chermont was appointed to lead the company, reposition the brand and undertake some major strategic changes such as revising the "Shanghai Tang" designs to appeal not only to Westerners but also to Chinese consumers, and to open new stores around the world. Since then, Shanghai Tang has become synonymous to a modern Chinese luxury lifestyle brand.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.140-170
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• 2021

This paper investigates the Wooden Seated Tri-kaya Buddha Images(三身佛像) of Vairocana, Rushana, and Sakyamuni enshrined in Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa temple(華嚴寺) in Gurae, South Cheolla Province. They were produced in 1634 CE and placed in 1635 CE, about forty years after original images made in the Goryeo period were destroyed by the Japanese army during the war. The reconstruction of Hwaeomsa was conducted by Gakseong, one of the leading monks of Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, who also conducted the reconstructions of many Buddhist temples after the war. In 2015, a prayer text (dated 1635) concerning the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was found in the repository within Sakyamuni Buddha. It lists the names of participants, including royal family members (i.e., prince Yi Guang, the eighth son of King Seon-jo), and their relatives (i.e., Sin Ik-seong, son-in-law of King Seonjo), court ladies, monk-sculptors, and large numbers of monks and laymen Buddhists. A prayer text (dated 1634) listing the names of monk-sculptors written on the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushana Buddha was also found. A recent investigation into the repository within Rushana Buddha in 2020 CE has revealed a prayer text listing participants producing these images, similar to the former one from Sakyamuni Buddha, together with sacred relics of hoo-ryeong-tong copper bottle and a large quantity of Sutra books. These new materials opened a way to understand Hwaeomsa Trikaya images, including who made them and when they were made. The two above-mentioned prayer texts from the repository of Sakyamuni and Rushana Buddha statues, and the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushan Buddha tell us that eighteen monk-sculptors, including Eungwon, Cheongheon and Ingyun, who were well-known monk artisans of the 17th century, took part in the construction of these images. As a matter of fact, Cheongheon belonged to a different workshop from Eungwon and Ingyun, who were most likely teacher and disciple or senior and junior colleagues, which means that the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was a collaboration between sculptors from two workshops. Eungwon and Ingyun seem to have belonged to the same community studying under the great Buddhist priest Seonsu, the teacher of Monk Gakseong who was in charge of the reconstruction of Haweonsa temple. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images show a big head, a squarish face with plump cheeks, narrow and drooping shoulders, and a short waist, which depict significant differences in body proportion to those of other Buddha statues of the first half of 17th century, which typically have wide shoulders and long waists. The body proportion shown in the Hwaeomsa images could be linked with images of late Goryeo and early Joseon period. Rushana Buddha, raising his two arms in a preaching hand gesture and wearing a crown and bracelets, shows unique iconography of the Bodhisattva form. This iconography of Rushana Buddha had appeared in a few Sutra paintings of Northern Song and Late Goryeo period of 13th and 14th century. BodhaSri-mudra of Vairocana Buddha, unlike the general type of BodhaSri-mudra that shows the right hand holding the left index finger, places his right hand upon the left hand in a fist. It is similar to that of Vairocana images of Northern and Southern Song, whose left hand is placed on the top of right hand in a fist. This type of mudra was most likely introduced during the Goryeo period. The dried lacquer Seated Vairocana image of Bulheosa Temple in Naju is datable to late Goryeo period, and exhibits similar forms of the mudra. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images also show new iconographic aspects, as well as traditional stylistic and iconographic features. The earth-touching (bhumisparsa) mudra of Sakymuni Buddha, putting his left thumb close to the middle finger, as if to make a preaching mudra, can be regarded as a new aspect that was influenced by the Sutra illustrations of the Ming dynasty, which were imported by the royal court of Joseon dynasty and most likely had an impact on Joseon Buddhist art from the 15th and 16th centuries. Stylistic and iconographical features of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images indicate that the traditional aspects of Goryeo period and new iconography of Joseon period are rendered together, side by side, in these sculptures. The coexistence of old and new aspects in one set of images could indicate that monk sculptors tried to find a new way to produce Hwaeomsa images based on the old traditional style of Goryeo period when the original Tri-kaya Buddha images were made, although some new iconography popular in Joseon period was also employed in the images. It is also probable that monk sculptors of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images intended to reconstruct these images following the original images of Goryeo period, which was recollected by surviving monks at Hwaeomsa, who had witnessed the original Tri-kaya Buddha images.