• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.3
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• pp.46-57
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• 2014

This study contemplated the gardening culture from the pictures, which the scholars of late Joseon Dynasty, the aspects of garden landscapes and garden use behaviors are drawn as follows. 1. The yard by the detached house for men and guest in front of the premises(Sarang Madang) and backyard were the major places for Ahoi(social gatherings of the scholars). The mansions had interests in the management of the outer garden beyond the house wall with building structures like the pavilions on the high walls and side gates. This management and the selection of location anticipating in advance of the management are noteworthy. 2. Only house gardens had plant pots with flowers and the small flower bed(Hwa-O) at Sarang Madang occasionally had plant pots without flowers and oddly shaped stone pots and equipped pine branch eaves and traditional awnings made of plant material like a trellis. 3. The oddly shaped stones were significant landscape elements in the gardens of houses and villas. Some of them were depicted as the Taihu stone and this draws attention to the question of whether the Taihu stone was actually used in the garden of late Joseon Dynasty. 4. The gardens in villas accommodated the borrowed scenery with various materials like wooden fences, bamboo or reed fences, mud walls. They also had the artificial gardens with some odd shaped stones, old pines, bamboos, Japanese apricots, willows, paulownia trees, lotuses and plantains in the secured Madangs. 5. Gyeong Hwa Sa Jog(The scholars of the ruling class adapted to the 18th century's new historical aspect) of late Joseon Dynasty built the villas at the beautiful scenery closed to the their houses. 6. The Gardens around pavilions were located high closed to the mountain streams with nature like beautiful forests, oddly formed rocks, precipitous cliffs and viewing stones. The back side of the pavilion was enclosed by bamboo forests and the front had pines, ginkgoes and willows as shade trees. 7. The beautiful scenery which was preferred as the place for Ahoi was basically with fantastic peaks and precipitous cliffs which forms the distant view harmonized with a waterfall. Broad and flat rocks at the summit of a mountain which commands a bird's-eye view or on a mountain streamside with pine forest, willows and plum trees were chosen as the optimal places for Ahoi. 8. Pine trees were presumed to be more preferable than other species in the garden, especially an single planted old pine tree accented symbolism. 9. Portable tea braziers for boiling tea were adopted in all four types of the gardens. 10. The gardens mixed with auspicious landscape elements were the places of the arts for an unworldliness Ahoi through GeumGiSeoHwa(enjoying strings, go, writing and painting) and boiling tea.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.18
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• pp.53-79
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• 2004

This paper explores the relationship between Korean immigrants to the United States and their religious identity from the cultural point of view. Most scholarly studies on Korean immigrants in the United States have been dominated by sociological approach and ethnic studies in examining the social dimension of the Korean immigrant communities while neglecting issues concerning their religious identity and cultural heritage. Most Korean immigrants to America attend Korean churches regardless their religious affiliation before they came to America. One of the reasons for this phenomenon is the fact that Korean church has provided a necessary social service for the newly arrived immigrants. Korean churches have been able to play a key role in the life of Korean immigrants. Korean immigrants, however, have shown a unique aspect regarding their religious identity compared to other immigrants communities in the United States. America is a nation of immigrants, coming from different parts of the world. Each immigrant community has brought their unique cultural heritage and religious persuasion. Asian immigrants, for example, brought their own traditional religions such as Hinduism, Buddhism. People from the Middle Eastern countries brought Islamic faith while European Jews brought the Jewish tradition. In these immigrant communities, religious identity and cultural heritage were homo genously harmonized. Jewish people built synagogue and taught Hebrew, Jewish history, culture, and faith. In this case, synagogue was not only the house of worship for Jews but also the center for learning Jewish history, culture, faith, and language. In short, Jewish cultural history was intimately related to Jewish religious history; for Jewish immigrants, learning their social and political history was indeed identical with leaning of their religious history. The same can be said about the relationship between Indian community and Hinduism. Hindu temples serve as the center of Indian immigrantsin providing the social, cultural, and spiritual functions. Buddhist temples, for that matter, serve the same function to the people from the Asian countries. Chinese, Japanese, Vietnamese, Tibetans, and Thais have brought their respective Buddhist traditions to America and practice and maintain both their religious faith and cultural heritage. Middle Eastern people, for example, have brought Islamic faith to the United States, and Mosques have become the center for learning their language, practicing their faith, and maintaining their cultural heritage. Korean immigrants, unlike any other immigrant group, have brought Christianity, which is not a Korean traditional religion but a Western religion they received in 18th and 19th centuries from the West and America, back to the United States, and church has become the center of their lives in America. In this context, Koreans and Korean-Americans have a unique situation in which they practice Christianity as their religion but try to maintain their non-Christian cultural heritage. For the Korean immigrants, their religious identity and cultural identity are not the same. Although Korean church so far has provides the social and religious functions to fill the need of Korean immigrants, but it may not be able to become the most effective institution to provide and maintain Korean cultural heritage. In this respect, Korean churches must be able to open to traditional Korean religions or the religions of Korean origin to cultivate and nurture Korean cultural heritage.

• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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• v.4 no.1 s.4
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• pp.27-45
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• 1998

$\ulcorner$Euibangyoochui醫方類聚$\lrcorner$ (1445) is regarded as a treasure-house of the knowledge of traditional oriental medicine which contains over 50,000 prescriptions and enormerous amount of medical information. Despite the importance and information contained in this book, it has been rarely used since it was not convenient to use this book. In this study, therefore, the establishment of database on $\ulcorner$Euibangyoochui$\lrcorner$ was carried out. Before the database establishment of $\ulcorner$Euibangyoochui$\lrcorner$ , basic works such as correction, interpretation, proofreading and translation of original text should be done. The results obtained in this study are summaried as follows : 1) During the course of studying the original text of $\ulcorner$Euibangyoochui$\lrcorner$ , the editing process and transmission of medical books in early Chosun dynasty was figured out. 2) For better correction, interpretation, proofreading and translation of $\ulcorner$Euibangyoochui$\lrcorner$ , $\ulcorner$Euibangyoochui$\lrcorner$ microfilms which are the collection of Japanese Royal Library (宮內廳 圖書寮) were obtained in this study. Through this process, the errors in the republication were able to be corrected. 3) Analyzing the organization and compilatory method of $\ulcorner$Euibangyoochui$\lrcorner$ is one of the basic requirements of understanding the scale of the whole. book and establishing database as a result. So the analysis results were used for the basic structuring of database. 4) $\ulcorner$Euibangyoochui$\lrcorner$ CD- ROM was designed in a way that the images of microfilms, original text and Korean translation can be compared by 3-D device. In addition, the convenience and proficiency of imaging the information and prescriptions of the text is one of the remarkable features of this CD-ROM.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.4
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• pp.1-11
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• 2020

Noksan is a green area in the form of a hill located inside Gyeongbokgung Palace, unrecognized as a cultural heritage space. This study analyzed the literature and the actual site to derive its landscape meaning by examining the background for the formation of Noksan and how it changed. As a result, the identity of Noksan was related to the geomagnetic vein, pine forest, and deers, and the following are its landscape meaning. First, several ancient maps, including the 「Map of Gyeongbokgung Palace」 depicted the mountain range continuing from Baegaksan(Bugaksan) Mountain to areas inside Gyeongbokgung Palace, and Noksan is a forest located on the geomantic vein, which continues to Gangnyeongjeon Hall and Munsojeon Hall. On Bukgwoldo(Map of Gyeongbokgung Palace), Noksan is depicted with Yugujeong Pavilion, Namyeogo Storage, office for the manager of Noksan, the brook on north and south, and the wall. It can be understood as a prototypical landscape composed of minimal facilities and the forest. Second, the northern palace walls of Gyeongbokgung Palace were constructed in King Sejong's reign. The area behind Yeonjo(king's resting place) up to Sinmumun Gate(north gate of the palace) was regarded as the rear garden when Gyeongbokgung Palace was constructed. However, a new rear garden was built outside the Sinmumun Gate when the palace was rebuilt. Only Noksan maintained the geomantic vein under the circumstance. However, the geographical features changed enormously during the Japanese colonial era when they constructed a huge official residence in the rear garden outside the Sinmumun Gate and the residence of the governor-general and road in the site of the Blue House. Moreover, Noksan was severed from the foothill of Baegaksan Mountain when 'Cheongwadae-ro(road)' was constructed between the Blue House and Noksan in 1967. Third, the significant characteristics and conditions of the forest, which became the origin of Noksan, were identified based on the fact that the geomatic state of the northeastern side of Gyeongbokgung Palace, the naecheongnyong area in geomantic terms(the innermost 'dragon vein' among the veins that stretched out from the central mountain toward the left side), and they planted pine trees to reinforce the 'ground vein' and the fact that it was expressed as the 'Pine Field' before the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592. The pine forest, mixed with oaks, cherries, elms, and chestnuts, identified through the excavation investigation, can be understood as the original vegetation landscape. Noksan's topography changed; a brook disappeared due to mounding, and foreign species such as acacia and ornamental juniper were planted. Currently, pine trees' ratio decreased while the forest is composed of oaks, mixed deciduous trees, some ailanthus, and willow. Fourth, the fact the name, 'Noksan,' came from the deer, which symbolized spirit, longevity, eternal life, and royal authority, was confirmed through an article of The Korea Daily News titled 'One of the seven deers in Nokwon(deer garden) in Gyeongbokgung Palace starved to death.'

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.1-11
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• 2011

Located in Namwon-si, Jeonlla Bukdo, Gwanghallu Garden is created around Gwanghallu, which was a government office in the period of Joseon Dynasty and shows its looks as a government office building of the times. However, Gwanghallu Garden is recognized rather as a background site of Chunhyangjeon, representing a local culture, than the features and picture as a government office garden in the period of Joseon Dynasty because Gwanghallu appeared as the background of Chunhyangjeon in its Chinese character script and, after 1930s, Chunhyang Sadang was built up and Chunhyang Festival held, and it's recognized rather as a site for arousing national consciousness and cherishing Chunhyang for its integrity in the Japanese ruling era of Korea than as a government office building in the period of Joseon Dynasty. With it being more recognized as the background of Chunhyangjeon than an ancient government office building, Gwanghallu has been managed as a private house garden or event place of folk festival as the background of Chunhyangjeon than preserved and managed as ancient government office building, and now the looks and features as a garden of government office are hardly seen because of indiscriminate trees and making of structure and spaces. Therefore, to preserve and maintain Gwanghallu Garden as the garden of government office in the period of Joseon Dynasty, it's required to survey the trees, structure and spaces created in Gwanghallu Garden and compare the true condition with its original looks by studying its literature and it's suggested that the garden area created around Gwanghallu should be repaired and managed by separation from as the background of Chunhyangjeon. Such means of management may keep the looks of Gwanghallu as the ancient office garden while Chunhyangjeon can also settle down as a local culture in the background.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.31 no.2
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• pp.103-117
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• 2013

This research analyzed the spatial components and establishment of the Tap-gol Park according to the plans between 1897 to 1916 when the discussions on the construction of the park began and it was accomplished as an urban park. The results are as follows. The establishment of Tap-gol Park can be divided by three period. Firstly, Tap-gol Park was owned by the royal family from 1987 to 1904. The discussions on construction of Tap-gol Park as a first urban park of Gyeongseong(京城) in 1897, and the private houses were tear down in order to secure land for the park in 1899. Gates and fences surrounding of Tap-gol Park were organized and it was opened in 1902 based on park plane of turtle - shaped. The octagonal pavilion for 'Lee-Wang-Jik musical band(李王職音樂隊)' was relocated in the southwestern part of the park in 1903. Secondly, Tap-gol Park was used actively by the public between 1910 to 1913, because it was opened for individuals. Also The boundary of Park were changed by surrounding facilities and recreational facilities and benefits was complemented for users. Tap-gol park was opened at nighttime in August 1913. Tap-gol Park was used as a place of amusement park. Thirdly, commercial facilities were made as the park facility between 1914 to 1916. The purpose of 'Kkikdajeom(喫茶店)' was similar to the one of modern cafes. It was built as a typical Japanese tea-house with a small pond having an island and a bridge constructed inside. With the increase of usage of Tap-gol Park as a recreational area by the citizens in 1916, the pavilion as a rest area and toilet as amenities were supplemented. Superintendent's office was equipped too. Simple chairs made from the wooden logs were installed around greenhouse, concert hall, the Wongaksa Buddhist temple(圓覺寺址十層石塔), and the flower garden was fenced round. After the relocation of Yongsan music band to Tap-gol Park, the existing concert hall was demolished. The shape of the park which was seen from the pictures of the magazines of 1920s were achieved as early as 1916. The importance of this research includes the basis to revise the errors of the preexistence researches and value of historical material of the design plan reference of the park which was accomplished during the Japanese colonial era. Also this research is to study on the spatial components of the modern landscape architecture and parks.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.22-32
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• 2013

This study aimed to reveal the establishment process and design concept of KoKwan park built in modern Busan, which is called three major park includes YongDuSan park and TaeJeong Park, by analyzing BusanIlbo published modern period in Busan and 'Busan' published modern Busan prefecture. In KoKwan, there was installed DuMoPo Waegwan. The Japanese residents built the cemetery and memorial stone for Tsunohe Heigo's sudden death in the KoKwan hill, who was an envoy dispatched by Tsusima prefecture, in order to enhance awareness of the old territory DuMoPo Waegwan. In 1916, the Japanese residents repaired ruined the place by rasing funds and donated to Busan prefecture. Busan prefecture went public this place as a park. Meanwhile, In order to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the opening of Busan port, Oike Chusuke's memorial statue was built in private house neiboring KoKwan park. He became the richest person in Busan while engaged in commerce and industry since he come to the Busan the year before the opening of Busan port. He donate garden site includes his statue and 10,000 Won for KoKwan park construction expenses to Busan prefecture Busan prefecture invite Oya Rejo, who was Osaka-Hu's landscape designer, to design the KoKwan park. He visited Busan and survey KoKwan park and other Busan's park and submitted the plan to Busan prefecture. His Plan for KoKwan includes shrine and Oike's statue, arboretum and greenhouses, children's play garden, etc. Oya's design concept of KoKwan park was analyzed as follows: the juxtaposition of the sacred and secular, the succession of present landscape context, the complement of parks content, the tool of nation-state formation. KoKwan park was completed with cost 20,000 won, insufficient budget compared with Oya's estimated amount. However, in this thesis, it was not cleared whether Busan prefecture built the park as it was. In 1945, after the independence, KoKwan Park was destroyed due to build Dong-gu Office, houses. The remained subjects from this study are to clarify the process the destruction of the park.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.3
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• pp.49-61
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• 2019

This study aims to examine the spatial recognition of the characters who visited Anuisamdong(安義三洞) in the past and left it in the literature. Thus, the school's relationship between people identified in the relevant literature was analyzed and the elements of landscape were extracted. The results were as follows; First, The figures who authored the literature on Anuisamdong were related to scholars living in Anuihyun(安義縣), along with the Yeongnam confucian genealogy. Starting with Jung, Yeo-Chang(鄭汝昌) in the 15th century, a relationship centered on Nammyeong School(南溟學派) in the 16th century was formed. At that time, people had toured the Anuisamdong regardless of the academic background. In the 17th century, Nammyeong School were in conflict with Toegye School(退溪學派), so Toegye School's influence had no record. In the 18th century, the proportion of Nammyeong School, Toegye School, and Kiho School(畿湖學派) appeared similar as they evolved into the Yeongnam School(嶺南學派). After the 19th century, the proportion of patriots who participated in the anti-Japanese movement was higher than that of schools. Second, The main places used in the literature related to Anuisamdongwere the order of Wonhakdong(猿鶴洞), Hwrimdong(花林洞) and Simjindong(尋眞洞). There are a total of 21 major elements used for the related literature, of which Suseungdae Rock(搜勝臺), Morijae House(某里齋), Nongwaljeong Pavilion(弄月亭), Sasundae Rock(四仙臺) and Cheoksuam Rock(滌愁巖) were the main subjects. Elements of Wonhakdong have been in the spotlight since the 16th century, focusing on Suseungdae Rock. Although the elements of Hwarimdong have been increasing gradually since the 18th century, the ratio of Simjindong to Wonhakdong and Hwarimdong was relatively small. Third, The relationship between the figures who visited the Anuisamdong and the spatial recognition of the Anuisamdong was divided into landscape awareness, emotional awareness and symbolic recognition. The Anuisamdong's scenic view is mostly identified by its description of the waterscape and topographical landscape, which people may have perceived as a scenic site centered on the valley view at the time. The mutual influence of Nammyeong School and Toegye School in the 16th and 17th centuries led to a scene in which the major figures of each school recognized pleasure as a culture of training, and a feeling of longing for the traces of past ancestors as the 18th century travel culture and the 19th century chaotic situation. In addition, the symbolic expression that usually appears is likely to have been recognized as a unworldly place, as the location of the immortal world is confirmed.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.435-466
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• 2018

"Hajaeilgi (荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon (司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about rituals, especially coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites. Ji Gyu-sik did write in his "Hajaeilgi" about coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites that were actually performed then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are very rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material. Particularly, from the late 19th to the early 20th century of this author focuses on the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites as we can see some aspects about it from his diary. Coming-of-age rites were carried out in the first month of the year generally, and in this period, we can see the transformation of their performing period as it was diversified then. This was not exceptional in yangban families. About wedding, while it was discussed, it came to be canceled more often than before maybe because they were going through the process of enlightenment then. It seems that choosing the day was not done in the bride's family always. Jungin or commoners had a weeding in the bride's house, but when it was needed, it was also performed in the groom's house. Ji Gyu-sik followed the traditional wedding procedure for his children rather faithfully, but it was applied flexibly according to the two families' situations or conditions. Ignoring the traditional manners, they had a wedding in the period of mourning or performed a wedding in the groom's house bringing the bride there. It seems that this was related to the decline of Confucian order in the society in the process of modernization. Also, the form of donations changed, too. Gradually, it was altered to the form of money gifts. Moreover, unlike before, divorcing seems to have been allowed then. Remarriage or divorce was the custom transformed from before. Funeral rites had different durations from death up to balin (carrying out a bier for burial) and hagwan (lowering a coffin into the grave), and so it means that they also went through transformation. Sa-daebu used usually 3 months but here was 7 days from death to balin normally, but it seems that there were yangban families not following it. The traces of 3-iljang (burial on the third day after death) most commonly found these days and chowoo jaewoo samwooje can be also found in "Hajaeilgi". Such materials are, in fact, very highly evaluated nowadays. Meanwhile, donations also changed gradually to the form of money. Regarding ancestral rites, time for memorial service was not fixed. Ji Gyu-sik did not follow jaegye (齋戒) before carrying out gijesa, and in some worse case, he went to pub the day before the memorial service to meet his lover or drink. This is somewhat different from the practice of yangban sadaebu then. Even after entering Christianity, Ji Gyu-sik performed memorial service, and after joining Cheondogyo, he did it, too. Meanwhile, there were some exceptions, but in Hansik or Chuseok, Ji Gyu-sik performed charye (myoje) before the tomb in person or sent his little brother or son to do it. But we cannot find the contents that tell us Ji Gyu-sik carried out myoje in October. Ji Gyu-sik performed saengiljesa calling it saengsincharye almost every year for his late father. But it is noticeable that he performed saengsincharye and memorial service separately, too, occasionally. The gijesa, charye, myoje, and saengsincharye carried out by jungin family from Gyeonggi Gwangju around the time that the status system was abolished and the Japanese Empire took power may have been rather different and less strict than yangban family's practice of ancestral rites; however, it is significant that we can see with it the aspects of ancestral rites performed in family not yangban. As described above, the contents about the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites found in "Hajaeilgi" are equipped with great value as material and meaningful in the perspective of forklore.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.2
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• pp.27-34
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• 2016

The results of investigation on the spatial composition and landscape characteristics of Shimwon-pavilion garden built and enjoyed by Jo Byeong-sun in 1937 during the period of Japanese colonialism based on 'Shimwon-pavilion Soosukgii(水石記)' and 'Shimwon-pavilion Poem of 25 Sceneries(二十五詠)' contained in 'Anthology of Giheon(寄軒)' are as follows. 1. Shimwon-pavilion garden is assumed as Byeol-Seo garden based on the planning background and contents of Gimun and the observations on spot. By its location, it is classified as 'Planted forest' with a pine forest in the north and 'Byeol-Seo of mooring type' with Guyacheon flowing in the garden. It is about 400m away from the main house in the straight-line distance. 2. The meaning and attributes of reclusiveness are well represented in the 'screening structures' all around Shimwon-pavilion garden with Hakrimsan, a Gasan(假山) in the north, vines on Chwibyeong(翠屛) in the east and west, Eunbyeong(隱屛) of stone walls along with Guyacheon in the south, which shows the spirit of Giheon who adored the Taoistic life. 3. Shimwon-pavilion garden, located in the Songrimsa, a temple of thousand years, is a place of consilience where Buddhism was accepted, Taoistic life was pursued with Tao Yuan-ming's philosophy regarding rural areas and romantic sensibilities of Li Po, called poem master(詩仙), the confucian values of Zhu Xi were realized. Giheon intended to build and enjoy this place as a microcosm and shelther where he unfolded his own view of learning and cultivated his mind. 4. 25 sceneries on Shimwon-pavilion consist of 5 sceneries in the space of pavilion(architecture) and 20 sceneries in the outer garden. First, 5 sceneries consist of ancillary rooms for various uses, including Jeongunru, Amsushil, Wiryujae, Iyeoldang, and Jeong-Gak Shimwon-pavilion embracing them, which shows that Shimwon-pavilion is a place to foster younger students. And 20 scenary is divided into 9 sceneries on the natural spaces and 11 artificially created facilities. 9 sceneries are engraved on the rocks as described in 'Seokgyeonggi'. 5. 4 sceneries of the indoor scenery lexemes(亭閣 心遠亭 怡悅堂 停雲樓 闇修室) were intended to be recognized by the framed pictures, 5 places among the scenery lexemes in garden(龜巖 醒石 隱屛 兩忘臺 東槃) by letters carved on the rocks, and 8 places(君子沼 杞泉 天光雲影橋 芳園 槐岡 柳堤 石扉 東翠屛) by sign stones, but signs of 8 sceneries are not currently identified because they have been be swept away and demolished. 6. A variety of plant landscapes with various meanings and water landscape with various types are contained in 25 sceneries - Sophora symbolizing a tree for scholar in Gehgang(槐岡), Willow symbolizing Tao Yuanming and continued vitality in Yooje(柳堤), Boxthorn symbolizing family togetherness in spring(杞泉), vines and herbal plants and waterfalls(隱瀑), shallow pond(君子沼), pond(湯池), water hole(杞泉), water flowing in the middle of rock(盤陀石), water flowing between the rocks(水口巖). 7. While Shimwon-pavilion garden is a garden near the water, the active involvements with 11 sceneries directly built is distinguished. The other pavilion gardens are faithful in engraving the names by setting the scenery lexemes of the nature-oriented Gyeong(景) and Gok(曲) near and far, but Shimwon-pavilion garden is a garden for active learning(修景) with the spaces built to match with the beautiful nature and to show the depths of space off.