• Korean Journal of Ecology and Environment
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• v.37 no.2 s.107
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• pp.180-192
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• 2004

This study was carried out to assess the seasonal variation of water quality and the effect of pollutant loading from watershed in a shallow eutrophic reservoir (Shingu reservoir) from November 2002 to February 2004, Stable thermocline which was greater than $1^{\circ}C$ per meter of the water depth formed in May, and low DO concentration (< 2 mg $O_2\;L^{-1}$) was observed in the hypolimnion from May to September, 2003. The ratio of euphotic depth to mixing depth ($Z_{eu}/Z_{m}$) ranged 0.2 ${\sim}$ 1.1, and the depth of the mixed layer exceeded that of the photic layer during study period, except for May when $Z_{eu}$ and $Z_{m}$ were 4 and 4.3 m, respectively. Most of total nitrogen, ranged 1.1 ${\sim}$ 4.5 ${\mu}g\;N\;L^{-1}$, accounted for inorganic nitrogen (Avg, 58.7%), and sharp increase of $NH_3$-N Hand $NO_3$-N was evident during the spring season. TP concentration in the water column ranged 43.9 ${\sim}$ 126.5 ${\mu}g\;P\;L^{-1}$, and the most of TP in the water column accounted for POP (Avg. 80%). During the study period, DIP concentration in the water column was &;lt 10 ${\mu}g\;P\;L^{-1}$ except for July and August when DIP concentration in the hypolimnion was 22.3 and 56.7 ${\mu}g\;P\;L^{-1}$, respectively. Increase of Chl. a concentration observed in July (99 ${\mu}g\;L^{-1}$) and November 2003 (109 ${\mu}g\;L^{-1}$) when P loading through two inflows was high, and showed close relationship with TP concentration (r = 0.55, P< 0.008, n = 22). Mean Chl. a concentration ranged from 13.5 to 84.5 mg $L^{-1}$ in the water column, and the lowest and highest concentration was observed in February 2004 (13.5 ${\pm}$ 1.0 ${\mu}g\;L^{-1}$) and November 2003 (84.5 ${\pm}$29.0 ${\mu}g\;L^{-1}$), respectively. TP concentration in inflow water increased with discharge (r = 0.69, P< 0.001), 40.5% of annual total P loading introduced in 25 July when there was heavy rainfall. Annual total P loading from watershed was 159.0 kg P $yr^{-1}$, and that of DIP loading was 126.3 kg P $yr^{-1}$ (77.7% of TP loading. The loading of TN (5.0ton yr-1) was 30 times higher than that of TP loading (159.0 kg P yr-1), and the 78% of TN was in the form of non-organic nitrogen, 3.9 ton $yr^{-1}$ in mass. P loading in Shingu reservoir was 1.6 g ${\cdot}$ $m^{-2}$ ${\cdot}$ $yr^{-1}$, which passed the excessive critical loading of Vollenweider-OECD critical loading model. The results of this study indicated that P loading from watershed was the major factor to cause eutrophication and temporal variation of water quality in Shingu reservoir Decrease by 71% in TP loading (159 kg $yr^{-1}$) is necessary for the improvement of mesotrophic level. The management of sediment where tine anaerobic condition was evident in summer, thus, the possibility of P release that can be utilized by existing algae, may also be considered.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Marine Environment & Energy
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.1-13
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• 2006

A field survey on the spatio-temporal distribution characteristics and origins of organic matter in surface sediments was carried out monthly at six stations in Gamak Bay, South Korea from April 2000 to March 2002. The range of ignition loss(IL) was $4.6{\sim}11.6%(7.1{\pm}1.6%)$, while chemical oxygen demand(CODs) ranged from $12.25{\sim}99.26mgO_2/g-dry(30.98{\pm}19.09mgO_2/g-dry)$, acid volatile sulfide(AVS) went from no detection(ND)${\sim}10.29mgS/g-dry(1.02{\pm}0.58mgS/g-dry)$, and phaeopigment was $6.84{\sim}116.18{\mu}g/g-dry(23.72{\pm}21.16{\mu}g/g-dry)$. The ranges of particulate organic carbon(POC) and particulate organic nitrogen(PON) were $5.45{\sim}23.24 mgC/g-dty(10.34{\pm}4.40C\;mgC/g-dry)$ and $0.71{\sim}2.99mgN/g-dry(1.37{\pm}0.58mgN/g-dry)$, respectively. Water content was in the range of $43.1{\sim}77.6%(55.8{\pm}5.6%)$, and mud content(silt+clay) was higher than 95% at all stations. The spatial distribution of organic matter in surface sediments was greatly divided between the northwestern, central and eastern areas, southern entrance area from the distribution characteristic of their organic matters. The concentrations of almost all items were greater at the northwestern and southern entrance area than at the other areas in Gamak Bay. In particular, sedimentary pollution was very serious at the northwestern area, because the area had an excessive supply of organic matter due to aquaculture activity and the inflow of sewage from the land. These materials stayed longer because of the topographical characteristics of such as basin and the anoxic conditions in the bottom seawater environment caused by thermocline in the summer. The tendency of temporal change was most prominently in the period of high-water temperatures than low-water ones at the northwestern and southern entrance areas. On the other hand, the central and eastern areas did not show a regular trend for changing the concentrations of each item but mainly showed a higher tendency during the low-water temperatures. This was observed for all but AVS concentrations which were higher during the period of high-water temperature at all stations. Especially, the central and eastern areas showed a large temporal increase of AVS concentration during those periods of high-water temperature where the concentration of CODs was in excess of $20mgO_2/g-dry$. The results show that the organic matters in surface sediments in Gamak Bay actually originated from autochthonous organic matters with eight or less in average C/N ratio including the organic matters generated by the use of ocean, rather than terrigenous organic matters. However, the formation of autochthonous organic matter was mainly derived from detritus than living phytoplankton, indicated the results of the POC/phaeopigment ratio. In addition, the CODs/IL ratio results demonstrate that the detritus was the product of artificial activities such as dregs feeding and fecal pellets of farm organisms caused by aquaculture activities rather than the dynamic of natural ocean activities.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.166-182
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• 1994

Kyonggi Province in the late Chosun dynasty was a center of superior government offices including 'Han' River water-road transportation and was located in the middle of an 'X'-shaped arterial road network. Because of these reasons, Kyonggi Province had a faster inflow of commodities, informations and technics compared with the other province. At this period of time, every local 'Eup' (name of administrative district) had not been affected by their above administrative districts and had their own autonomy. For this reason, every 'Eup' could be developed as a town, even if its size was small when it had sufficient internal growing conditions. Moreover, the markets ('Si-Jon') in big towns and periodical markets which were spread over the Kyonggi Province played role of commercial functions of town. And because military bases for the defence of the royal capital in Kyonggi Province also took parts of a non-agricultural city role, Xyonggi Provinc had much more possibilities of growing as a town rather than the other provinces. The towns of the late Chosun Dynasty were, except the capital and superior administrative districts which were governed by the 'You-Su', small towns which had only about 3, 000-5, 000 people. Most of the town dewellers were local officials, nobles, merchants, craftmen and slaves. And the farmers who lived near town became a pseudo-towner through suburb agriculture. Among these people, the merchants were leaders of townization. The downtowns were affected by the landform and traffic roads. The most fundamental function of towns were administrative. The opcial's grade, which was dispatched to the local administrative district ('Kun' or 'Hyun'), was decided by the size of population and agricultural land of each county. Large county which was governed by a high ranking opcial had more possibilities to develop as a large town. Because they supervised other opcials of lower rank and obtained more land and population for the town. The phonomena of farm abandonment after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592-1598 stimulated the development of towns for commercial function. The commercial functions of towns were evident in the Si-Jon or Nan-Jon (names of markets) in the big cities such as Hansung and Kaesung, meanffwhile in the local areas it was emerged in the shape of periodical market networks as allied with near markets (which were called as Jang-Si) or permanent markets which were grown up from periodical markets. These facts of commercial development induced the birth of commercial town. Kyonggi Province showed the weak points of its defense system during both wars (Japanese Invasion in 1592 and Manchu's Invasion in 1636). The government reinforced its defense system by adding 4 'You-Su-Bus' and several military bases. Each local districts ('Eup'), where Geo-Jins were established, were stimulated to be a town while Jin-Kwan system were, adjusted and enforced. Among Dok-Jins(name of solitary military bases), Youngjongjin was grown up as a large garrison town which only played a role of defense. The number of towns that took roles of non-agricultural functions in Kyonggi Province was 52. Among these towns, 29 were developed as big towns which had above 3, 000 people and most of these towns were located on the northwest-southeast axes of 'X'-shaped arterial trafic network in the Chosn Dynasty, This fact points out that the traffic road is one of the important causes of the development of towns. When we make hierarchy of the towns of Kyonggi Province according to its population and how many functions it had, we can make it as 6 grades. The virst grade town 'Hansung' was the biggest central town of administration, commerce and defdnse. The 2nd grade town includes 'Kaesung' which had historical inertia that it had been the capital of the Koryo Dynesty. The 3rd grade towns include some 'You- Su-Bus' such as Soowon, Kanghwa, Kwangju and also include Mapo, Yongsan and from this we can imagine that the commercial development in the late Chosun Dynasty extremely affected the townization. The 4th-6th grade towns had smiliar population but it can be discriminated by how many town functions it had. So the 4th grade towns were the core of administration, commerce and defense function. 5th grade towns had administrative functions and one of commercial and defense functions. 6th grade towns had only one of these functions. When we research and town conditions of each grades as the ratio of non-agricultural population, we can find out that the towns from the 1st grade to 4th grade show difference by degree of townization but from the 4th grade to 6th grade towns do not show big difference in general.

• Magazine of the Korean Society of Agricultural Engineers
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.861-876
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• 1965

During my stay in the Netherlands, I have studied the following, primarily in relation to the Mokpo Yong-san project which had been studied by the NEDECO for a feasibility report. 1. Unit hydrograph at Naju There are many ways to make unit hydrograph, but I want explain here to make unit hydrograph from the- actual run of curve at Naju. A discharge curve made from one rain storm depends on rainfall intensity per houre After finriing hydrograph every two hours, we will get two-hour unit hydrograph to devide each ordinate of the two-hour hydrograph by the rainfall intensity. I have used one storm from June 24 to June 26, 1963, recording a rainfall intensity of average 9. 4 mm per hour for 12 hours. If several rain gage stations had already been established in the catchment area. above Naju prior to this storm, I could have gathered accurate data on rainfall intensity throughout the catchment area. As it was, I used I the automatic rain gage record of the Mokpo I moteorological station to determine the rainfall lntensity. In order. to develop the unit ~Ydrograph at Naju, I subtracted the basic flow from the total runoff flow. I also tried to keed the difference between the calculated discharge amount and the measured discharge less than 1O~ The discharge period. of an unit graph depends on the length of the catchment area. 2. Determination of sluice dimension Acoording to principles of design presently used in our country, a one-day storm with a frequency of 20 years must be discharged in 8 hours. These design criteria are not adequate, and several dams have washed out in the past years. The design of the spillway and sluice dimensions must be based on the maximun peak discharge flowing into the reservoir to avoid crop and structure damages. The total flow into the reservoir is the summation of flow described by the Mokpo hydrograph, the basic flow from all the catchment areas and the rainfall on the reservoir area. To calculate the amount of water discharged through the sluiceCper half hour), the average head during that interval must be known. This can be calculated from the known water level outside the sluiceCdetermined by the tide) and from an estimated water level inside the reservoir at the end of each time interval. The total amount of water discharged through the sluice can be calculated from this average head, the time interval and the cross-sectional area of' the sluice. From the inflow into the .reservoir and the outflow through the sluice gates I calculated the change in the volume of water stored in the reservoir at half-hour intervals. From the stored volume of water and the known storage capacity of the reservoir, I was able to calculate the water level in the reservoir. The Calculated water level in the reservoir must be the same as the estimated water level. Mean stand tide will be adequate to use for determining the sluice dimension because spring tide is worse case and neap tide is best condition for the I result of the calculatio 3. Tidal computation for determination of the closure curve. During the construction of a dam, whether by building up of a succession of horizontael layers or by building in from both sides, the velocity of the water flowinii through the closing gapwill increase, because of the gradual decrease in the cross sectional area of the gap. 1 calculated the . velocities in the closing gap during flood and ebb for the first mentioned method of construction until the cross-sectional area has been reduced to about 25% of the original area, the change in tidal movement within the reservoir being negligible. Up to that point, the increase of the velocity is more or less hyperbolic. During the closing of the last 25 % of the gap, less water can flow out of the reservoir. This causes a rise of the mean water level of the reservoir. The difference in hydraulic head is then no longer negligible and must be taken into account. When, during the course of construction. the submerged weir become a free weir the critical flow occurs. The critical flow is that point, during either ebb or flood, at which the velocity reaches a maximum. When the dam is raised further. the velocity decreases because of the decrease\ulcorner in the height of the water above the weir. The calculation of the currents and velocities for a stage in the closure of the final gap is done in the following manner; Using an average tide with a neglible daily quantity, I estimated the water level on the pustream side of. the dam (inner water level). I determined the current through the gap for each hour by multiplying the storage area by the increment of the rise in water level. The velocity at a given moment can be determined from the calcalated current in m3/sec, and the cross-sectional area at that moment. At the same time from the difference between inner water level and tidal level (outer water level) the velocity can be calculated with the formula $h= \frac{V^2}{2g}$ and must be equal to the velocity detertnined from the current. If there is a difference in velocity, a new estimate of the inner water level must be made and entire procedure should be repeated. When the higher water level is equal to or more than 2/3 times the difference between the lower water level and the crest of the dam, we speak of a "free weir." The flow over the weir is then dependent upon the higher water level and not on the difference between high and low water levels. When the weir is "submerged", that is, the higher water level is less than 2/3 times the difference between the lower water and the crest of the dam, the difference between the high and low levels being decisive. The free weir normally occurs first during ebb, and is due to. the fact that mean level in the estuary is higher than the mean level of . the tide in building dams with barges the maximum velocity in the closing gap may not be more than 3m/sec. As the maximum velocities are higher than this limit we must use other construction methods in closing the gap. This can be done by dump-cars from each side or by using a cable way.e or by using a cable way.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.142-171
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• 2019

The dragon is an imaginary animal that appears in the legends and myths of the Orient and the West. While dragons have mostly been portrayed as aggressive and as bad omens in the West, in the Orient, as they symbolize the emperor or have an auspicious meaning, dragons signify a positive meaning. In addition, as the dragon symbolizes the emperor and its type has been diversified considering it as a divine object that controls water, people have tried to express it as a figure. The records related to dragons in the Goryeo dynasty appeared with diverse topics in 'History of Goryeo' and are generally contents related to founding myths, rituals for rain, and Shinii (神異), etc. The founding myth emphasizes the legality of the Goryeo dynasty through the dragon, and this influenced the formation of the dragon's descendants. In addition, the ability to control water, which is a characteristic of the dragon, was symbolized as an earth dragon related to the rainmaking ritual, i.e., wishing for rain during times of drought. Since the dragon was the symbol of the royal family, the use of the dragon by common people was strictly restricted. Furthermore, the association of a bronze dragon mirror with the royal family is hard to be excluded. The type and quantity of bronze double dragon mirrors discovered to have existed during the Goryeo dynasty is great, and the production and the distribution of bronze mirrors with double dragons seem to have been more active compared to other bronze mirrors, as bronze mirrors with double dragons produced during Goryeo and bronze mirrors originating in China were mixed. Therefore, in this article, the characteristics of diverse bronze mirrors from the 10th century to the 14th century in China were examined. It seems that the master craftsmen who produced bronze mirrors with double dragons during the Goryeo dynasty were influenced by Chinese composition patterns when making the mirrors. Because there were many cases where a bronze mirror's country of origin could not easily be determined, in order to identify the differences between bronze double dragon mirrors produced during the Goryeo dynasty and bronze mirrors produced in China, meticulous analysis was required. Thus, to ascertain that Goryeo mirrors were not imitations of bronze mirrors with double dragons originating in China but produced independently, the mirrors were examined using the bronze double dragon mirror type classification system existing in our country. Bronze mirrors with double dragons are classified into three types: Type I, which has the style of the Yao dynasty, includes the greatest proportion; however, despite there being only a small quantity for comparison, Types II and III were selected for the analysis of the bronze mirrors with double dragons made in Goryeo because they have unique composition patterns. As mentioned above, distinguishing bronze mirrors made during Goryeo from bronze mirrors made in China is challenging because Goryeo bronze mirrors were made under the influence of China. Among them, since the manufacturing place of the bronze mirrors with double dragons found at the nine-story stone pagoda in Woljeongsa Temple in Pyeongchang is questionable and the composition pattern of the bronze mirror is hard to find on bronze mirrors with double dragons made in China, the manufacturing place of those bronze mirrors were examined. These bronze mirrors with double dragons were considered as bronze mirrors with double dragons made during the Goryeo dynasty adopting the Yao dynasty style composition pattern as aspects of the composition pattern belonged to Type I, and the detailed combination of patterns is hard to find in mirrors produced in China.