• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.9-18
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• 2014

This study is to carry out literary study about the subject of Martial Study in Song Dynasty which was in charge of military strategy education. Martial Examination and Martial Study were related to military officials in China, and also have important value of historical materials in physical education dealing with martial arts as traditional physical activity. To be a military official would be possible to correspond with such requirements as knowledge that sports experts should have, leadership as a leader, and ability reinforcement through physical training, and the effort to pass Martial examination as the chance of status rise contributed to developing sports and culture because the necessity of training military arts was emphasized in social situations. Martial Study establishment became a clue of creating and spreading the notion that General should have virtue and justice as an ideological style of new-Confucianism (neo-Confucianism and Sung Confucianism) in Song Dynasty. After founded in 1043 and equipped with a formal aspect in 1072, Martial Study got the political effect and improved national competitiveness while its function of cultivating and selecting excellent capable persons was going on smoothly. Educational contents in Martial Study were understanding and flexibly applying the skills of infantrymen, cavalrymen, and bowmen and the meanings and theories of confucian classics, testing problem solutions of reality, and teaching the measures of the problem. Martial Study included three aspects of military capable persons, war, and weapons and took charge of the function of education, selection, and promotion, steadily supporting development and continuance of Martial examination institution.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.42 no.3
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• pp.5-32
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• 2011

The purpose of this study is to examine the research trends of social welfare in North Korea and to make suggestions for the further research. This study analyzed a total of 99 articles(from 1972 to 2009) related to social welfare in North Korea. The main findings of this study are as follows: First, the approaches of change within system are needed and this can make well-balanced perspectives. Second, the perspectives of external-totalitarian must be rejected and the immanent-critical approaches should be addressed. Third, in terms of study contents, ideological, institutional and practical studies need to be extended. Fourth, micro studies should be more developed. Fifth, in the research method, the quantitative research method, and the synthetic and comparative strategies should be more employed. Finally, use of original text should be further conducted.

• 지역과문화
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• v.6 no.3
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• pp.29-53
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• 2019

Korean traditional women artists are placed in dual suffering from unequal rights in terms of gender and misrecognition endowed by historical legacy. There has been no clear cut definition but interchangeable adoption of various terms such as Yeo-ak, Yeo-gi, and Gisaeng even in the study of music theory and history itself. Study on female musician has been mostly performed on the basis of music theory and history so that one sided discourse on female traditional artist has survived and aggravated its connotation during the colonial ages and modernization. Envisioning traditional female artist as instrumentalizing their body and status as artist resulted in crucifying victims of sexual harassment is one recent example. This study is an attempt to collect knowledge on the various layers of discourse about the status and role of female traditional artist. This is a first stage of analysis covering the period Joseon dynasty where original and official records regarding female traditional artists remains until today. The findings are that policy discourse are to be classified as politico-ideological layer, music theoretical layer, and socio-political layer. It is to be clarified in the future which layer has the most sustaining influence to the present and why.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.5-32
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• 2020

This study analyzes the political dynamics of the election law reform in December 2019, from a perspective of the veto player theory combined with the partisan theory. Three features are revealed in the reform process of the electoral system. First, the number of cooperative veto players was higher than that of competitive veto players, that provided a favorable condition for policy changes. Second, concerning the ideological distance between veto-players (congruence) the possibility of policy change was evaluated as quite small. Especially in the fourth to fifth periods, the congruence between the cooperative veto players and competitive veto players was extremely weak. Third, the internal coherence of cooperative veto players was relatively weak, while the internal coherence of competitive veto players was relatively strong. That acted as a limiting factor in policy changes. In other words, there was a high possibility of policy changes in the number of cooperative veto players, but the possibility of policy change was relatively restricted in the congruence between veto players and the cohesion of veto players. That explains the limited nature of the election law reform.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.529-552
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• 2013

This study examines how individual attitudes towards government and society are affected by political conservatism and liberalism. With survey data from 533 adults(M=249, F=284) who live in Seoul and surrounding areas, we examine the general attitudes towards society, expectation on general government and differences in attitudes towards the Roh Moo-hyun Gov't and the Lee Myung-bak Gov't between liberals and conservatives. Results show that liberals and conservatives vary by age and residence, whereas attitudes towards the general government and society are not. By contrast, liberals and conservatives are distinctly different evaluating governments with specific political tendency. Liberals are more positive to the Roh Moo-hyun Gov't than conservatives whereas the evaluation appears conversely on the Lee Myung-bak Gov't. These differences of attitudes are more distinctive when dividing liberals and conservatives by subjective judgement and political party preference than conceptual measurement of political ideology. These findings suggest that political conservatism and liberalism is the factor that has powerfully affected individual attitudes in the specific political context rather than a consistent ideological framework in Korean society.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.46
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• pp.153-188
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• 2023

This paper aims to confirm theoretical similarities and differences by comparing and considering the economic views of Neo-Confucianism and Daesoon Thought. Through this, there can be an examination of what implications traditional thought regarding economic views can have in today's social climate, which considers economic value to be the greatest value. This can also to help establish a desirable economic view of our society. In conclusion, it can be observed that economic issues are viewed in Daesoon Thought similarly to how they were perceived by Zhu Xi. Which is to say that both place greater relative importance on morality than material wealth. These systems of thought appear to place more emphasis on the spiritual world and moral conduct than on the material world and its economy. Therefore, when looking at the interpretation of loyalty and profit, nature and humanity, the heart and humanity, conscience and selfishness, and other such pairings, there is a tendency to focus more on the spiritual world and moral excellence than on the material world and the pursuit of wealth. These systems of thought acknowledge that material needs exist; however, both move to instill values such that human society pursues moral and spiritual ventures over material gain. Therefore, the position arrived upon by both is that people's morality is the highest good, and when people's morality is fully realized, all social problems, including economic problems, will be solved automatically. This is the theoretical structure and ideological characteristics that constitutes the economic viewpoints posited in both Zhu Xi's Neo-Confucianist thought and Daesoon Thought.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.48
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• pp.445-479
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• 2024

The ideological context of the Unity of Heaven and Humankind (天人合一) is useful as an approach to understanding the meaning of 'human affairs (人事)' in Daesoon Thought. In Daesoon Thought, the meaning of 'human affairs' occurs within the context of 'the Way of humans (人道)' being based upon 'the Way of Heaven (天道).' However, in Daesoon Thought, the characteristic of 'the Way of Heaven' originates from the Supreme God of the Ninth Heaven (上帝) and His Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth (天地公事). Specifically, this entails the principle of 'what is devised by humanity (謀事在人), is achieved by Heaven (成事在天),' which is inverted to become 'what is devised by Heaven (謀事在天), is achieved by humanity (成事在人).' This is the principle of 'human affairs' that is revealed as the relationship between Humanity and Heaven is newly defined. In addition, the newly changed relationship between Humanity and Heaven is presented as the principle of 'divine beings and human beings mutually guide one another (神人依導).' This principle clearly expresses 'human affairs' in the context of Daesoon Thought. Accordingly, the two directions in which 'human affairs' are completed are expressed as two stages: spiritual enlightenment (靈通) and the Harmonious Union between Divine Beings and Human Beings (神人調化). These two directions in which 'human affairs' pursues 'the Way of Heaven' show a depth beyond just encompassing transcendence and immanence. The relationship between 'the Way of Heaven' and the Supreme God of the Ninth Heaven, in particular, is a useful point for appreciating the how the meaning of 'human affairs' in Daesoon Thought differs from other uses of the term which occur elsewhere.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.137-167
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• 2024

This study sought to explain the reasons why the civic education bill failed to be enacted as many as 13 times. What we discovered as a result of our research is, first, the absence of a legislative strategy by the minority member of the national assembly on this bills. The Citizenship Education Bill was a controversial bill with great potential for ideological conflict, and after the 19th National Assembly, this bill was promoted by a minority of a specific political party. The Democratic Party's sponsoring lawmakers did not use active legislative strategies, such as exerting influence within the party to have these bills adopted as the party's platform, or developing them into major pledges for the general and presidential elections. Second, there is a consistent passive response from civic groups as well as lawmakers who signed the bill in an unfavorable public opinion environment. During the legislative process, opposing opinions were overwhelming, including concerns about the spread of leftist ideology, waste of budget and organization, and violation of neutrality and fairness in education. In addition, the passive attitude of field teachers and civic groups, who should be in charge of civic education, also served as a background for the legislative failure. Third, due to a lack of sharing of reliable information on recent theoretical research and global policy trends among stakeholders, legislation through an agreement between the ruling and opposition parties failed.

• Journal of Technology Innovation
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• v.5 no.2
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• pp.1-21
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• 1997

The objective of this paper is to think about what structural reforms of the Korean government S&T development management system might be. Korean society is currently experiencing a drastic socio-economic transformation. The results of this transformation should be reflected on the determining process of the directions and breadths of structural reforms of government S&T development management system. Because the government system design will be based on the premises of socio-economic conditions under which administrative activities perform and also this socio-economic changes can influence on changes of the premises of government management system design. Moreover, S&T development management system is a subsystem of government system so that the directions of structural reform of those subsystems should be considered in the broad framework changes in the development management system of the government. For the last forty years, the Korean government S&T development management system has been based on the premises including transformation from an agrarian society to an industrial society, authoritarianism and centrally controlled institutions, and exteremely small portions of private investments for science and thechonology R & D of the total. Recently, however, the premises of Korean government S&T development management system have rapidly changed. the characteristics of these changes are including tranformation from an industrial society to a knowledge and information intensive society, globalization, localization, and relatively large portion of private investments for science and technology R & C of the total. The basis of government reforms in Korea was the realization of the performances and values through the enhancement of national competitive capacity, attainment of lean government, decentralization and autonomy. However, the Korean government has attached a symbolic value of strategic organizations representing strong policy intentions of government for the science and technology based development. Most problems associated with the Korean government S&T development management system have grown worse during 1990s. Many people perceive that considerable part of this problem was generated because the government could not properly adapt itself to new administrative environment and the paradigm shift in its role. First of all, the Korean government S&T development management system as a whole failed to develop an integrated vision under which processes in formulating science and thechology development goals and developing consistent government plans concerning science and technology development are guided. Second, most of the local governments have little organizational capacity and manpowers to handle localized activities to promote science and technology in their regions. Third, the measure to coordinate and set priorities to invest resources for the development of science and technology was not effective. Fourth, the Most has been losing its reputation as the symbol of ideological commitment of the top policy maker to promote science and technology. Various ideas to reform government S&T development management system have been suggested recently. Most frequently cited ideas are as follow : (ⅰ)strengthen the functions of MoST by supplementing the strong incentive and regulatory measures; (ⅱ)create a new Ministry of Education, Science & Technology and Research by merging the Ministry of Education and the MoST; (ⅲ)create a new Ministry of Science & Technology and Industry ; and(ⅳ)create a National Science and Technology Policy Council under the chairmanship of the President. Four alternatives suggested have been widely discussed among the interested parties and they each have merits as well as weaknesses. The first alternative could be seen as an alternative which cannot resolve current conflicts among various ministries concerning priority setting and resource allocation. However, this alternatives can be seen as a way of showing the top policymaker's strong intention to emphasize science and technology based development. Second alternative is giving a strategic to emphasize on the training and supplying qualified manpower to meet knowledge and information intensive future society. This alternative is considered to be consistent with the new administrative paradigm emphasizing lean government and decentralization. However, opponents are worrying about the linkages and cooperative research between university and industry could be weakening. The third alternative has been adopted mostly in nations which have strong basic science research but weak industrial innovation traditions. Main weakness of this alternative for Korea is that Korean science and technology development system has no strong basic science and technology research traditions. The fourth alternative is consistent with new administrative paradigms and government reform bases. However, opponents to this alternative are worried that the intensive development of science and technology because of Korea's low potential research capabilities in science and technology development. Considerning the present Korean socio-economic situation which demands highly qualified human resources and development strategies which emphasizes the accumulations of knowledge-based stocks, I would like to suggest the route of creating a new Ministry of Education, Science & Technology and Research by intergrating education administration functions and science & technology development function into one ministry.

• Journal of Environmental Policy
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.45-70
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• 2006

China has achieved great economic growth above 9% annual since it changed to more of a market economy system by its reform and open-door policy. At the same time, China has experienced severe ecological deterioration, such as air and water pollutions caused by its rapid urbanization and industrialization. China is now confronted with environmental pollution and ecological deterioration at a critical point, at which economic development in China is limited. Moreover, environmental problems in China have become a lit fuse for social fluctuation beyond pollution problems. The root and background of environmental problems in China, firstly, are its government's lack of understanding of these problems and incorrect economic policies affected by political and ideological prejudice. Secondly, the plundering of resources, 'the principle of development first' which didn't consider environmental sustainability is another source of environmental deterioration in China. In addition, a huge population and poverty in China have increased the difficulty in solving its environmental problems, and in fact have accelerated them. The Chinese government has established many environmental laws and institutions, increased environmental investments, and is enlarging the participation of NGOs and the general public in some limited scale to solve its environmental problems. However, it has not obtained effective results because of the lack of environmental investments owing to the government's limit of the development phase, a structural limit of law enforcement and local protectionism, and the limit of political independency in NGOs and the lack of public participation in China. It seems that China remains in the stage of 'economic development first, environmental protection second', contrary to its catch-phrase of 'the harmony between economic development and environmental protection'. China is now confronted with dual pressure both domestically and abroad because of deepening environmental problems. There are growing public's protests and demonstrations in China in response to the spread of damage owing to environmental pollution and ecological deterioration. On the other hand, international society, in particular neighboring countries, regard China as a principal cause of ecological disaster. In the face of this dual pressure, China is presently contemplating a 'recycling economy' that helps sustainable development through the structural reform of industries using too much energy and through more severe law enforcement than now. Therefore, it is desirable to promote regional cooperation more progressively and practically in the direction of building China's ability to solve environmental problems.