• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.1-15
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• 2011

In the latter half of the Joseon(朝鮮) Dynasty, the medical world was encountering a great change. It is said that a large stream between the first half and the latter half of the Joseon Dynasty was a qualitative transition from official relationships to private relationships, that is, from adjustments by governmental power to contractual relationships between individuals. Doctors who can be said to be the core of the medical world became to be left in severer competition. The fact that the number of people engaged in medical practice increased to the extent that doctors had to compete with each other implies that not only demand for medical care was increasing but also that medical care was becoming social service that must be shared by all people in the Joseon Dynasty rather than by small numbers of men of power. Anyway, it seems like that, in the competition that was becoming fiercer, they tried to establish their authority in diverse methods unlike before. As an authority to determine the social positions of doctors in the latter half of the Joseon Dynasty, the government was still occupying an important position, but doctors tried to show off their medical techniques utilizing excellent teachers or books. Meanwhile, they were making efforts to improve treating skills and thereby they were contributing to the development of medical techniques although they were sometimes criticised because of radical treatment or fierce drugs. In this process, it seems like that some doctors made efforts to establish the social meaning of medicine and their identity. In the short dialogue with Hong Yangho(洪良浩), Cho Gwangil(趙光一) was presenting the image of doctors as active and subjective beings. Pointing out the fact that in the society where feudal position systems were still impregnable, even the Confucian scholars who could be considered as a leading group could not but be passive in front of the sovereign power, he emphasized the fact that doctors could practice treatment as they liked. In that he re-discovered the meaning of treating people's diseases as a professional intellectual and that he was forming a subjective sense that medical techniques are active self expression, it can be carefully said that Cho Gwangil was obtaining his identity as a doctor. In the society in the Joseon Dynasty where the position systems were still valid and the value system under Neo-confucianism(性理學) supporting the system was impregnable, this change can be thought to be small yet quite meaningful.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.50 no.2
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• pp.127-137
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• 2022

In this paper, we have examined Seo Yu-gu's concept of rural home landscaping by reviewing the contents in Wonrim·Ganso in Hyungbipochi. The origin of his concept of rural residential landscaping reflects the Joseon Fengshui perspective following Bokgeo Sayo. Keeping in mind the requirements for living environment based on the Joseon Fengshui perspective, Seo Yu-gu interpreted Jiangjiuyuanji and introduced the components of ideal living that he had obtained from it in ways applicable and suitable to rural homes in Joseon. Jiangjiuyuanji, which contains the natural elements such as mountains, water, fields, and trees, could have been well received by Joseon scholars. As Seo Yu-gu explained in Sangtaekji, it had all the components of Nakto. In sum, constructing the hedges with three layers to promote the safety of rural residents and protect the food sources, utilising water sources for rural homes in various ways, and creating a beautiful courtyard Seokgasan and ponds were Seo Yu-gu's ways of reproducing the requirements for Nakto described in Jiangjiuyuanji such as a safe living environment surrounded by mountains resembling a lotus flower castle, a plentiful water source, and a beautiful natural environment based on the principle of 'Bokgeo Sayo'. In other words, through the content of his writing Wonrim·Ganso, he was articulating his thoughts on how to realise the ideal living conditions described in Jiangjiuyuanji in ways applicable to rural homes in Joseon. In the extended context of Imwon gyeongje ji, such deliberation of Seo Yu-gu shows a glimpse of the goals and practices he pursued through it. The content of Wonrim·Ganso in Hyungbipochi truly manifests Seo Yu-gu's approach to and understanding of Chinese literature. Moreover, his suggestions for application in rural Joseon villages verify the orientation and practical goals of Imwon gyeongje ji as he stated in the preface that 'the book was written specially for Joseon'.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.135-156
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• 2010

While there are a few ways of giving meanings to the term, "Altai" ranging from a language family to a national residing around the Altai Mountains in Russian Federation, and to the people speaking the language or the whole area where they live, there have been controversial debates whether it is a meaningful categorization. This paper argues that the basic cause lying beneath the controversies is the underdevelopment of the subject that identifies itself as a representative of the whole area where the Altaic language family is spoken. It might be true, as some Korean and Russian scholars insist, that what deserves to be called Altaic culture (or civilization) has provided a common culture and mutual interactions with the people. However, the Altaic people failed to constitute themselves as a meaningful modern group, that is a nation, and they did not fully develop national consciousness, As a result, although their way of life may be regarded as an origin of various cultures across North-East Asia, Altaic culture is not sufficient to give a momentum to claim for cultural initiative in the region. This comes at least partly from the reconfiguration of ethnic identity through a Soviet type of modernization and its geopolitical situation surrounded by super-powers such as China and Russia, as well as belated import of religions such as Buddhism and Christianity. From a wide perspective, the trouble about delimiting an area is not unique in Altai, but universally found in anywhere, as far as area studies are concerned. The delimitation of an area is not a natural outcome of physical environment but an artificial production of how cultural-political relationships have been distributed. Therefore, while the case of Alai has its own specificities, its implications that a national or regional boundary in area studies should not be taken for granted may be applied to other areas.

• Broadcasting and Media Magazine
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.85-98
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• 2005

About the phenomenon of being imaged of everything, the scholars of the humanities who had studied on the simple reason structure in a text have been in a big agony how accept it. Especially, semiologists have studied about this for a long time and the points at issues of Saussure, Peirce as well as Umbeto Eco are more outstanding. Being based upon his philosophic interesting from medieval esthetics to modern semiotics, Eco was very concerned about the field of general esthetics and poputar arts like television and cartoons. He connected the mutual open-relations between 'signifier' and 'signified' debated in Semiotics with the open and vague modern arts and regarding it as a deviation from the custom, intensively studied the film-media. Saussure is a representative figure of semiotics and explained Sign and the character of semiotics as the division into two parts such as signifier/ signified, form/ substance, langue/ parole, synchrony/ diachrony. The triadic semiotics (the theory that Sign is composed of the triadic structure like sign, referent and interpretant) of Peirce put the new item- 'interpretant' in sign and referent to connect them and open the possibility to introduce time in to the Sign. In this paper, I try to analyze a cartoon film in the semiotic structure with the systemic, reasonable and logical approach and analysis as as possible. While the images shown through a film were depended on the romantic and impressional judge in the past, due to semiotics, it' s quite possible to correlate the procedure of symbolization to social coherence so that we analyze the incredible power of images to suck audiences with the systemetic Sign. I accept all ot film-images including a cartoon film as not the simple esthetic arts but a social custom and system, want to serve as a aid to properly understand world and humanbeings and prevent the film-image from being mystic. A cartoon and a cartoon film which were begun with the link of a text and an illustration give shape to all of images such as materials, places and even thoughts with a cartoon icon existed in only a cartoon. A cartoon and a cartoon film simply and exquistely conceptualize the complex and vague attribute of an organic creature and extend them infinetly beyond language. However, it can be exploited as a mysticism to temptate the general public and a faking material. In addition to that, it can distort our world-knowledge engaging a political power and the massive power of mass media. In this paper, being based on semiotics to approach a cartoon film in a scientific and organic system, I conclude that a non-linguistic cartoon expression is entangled with the manifold signs and implies the supplementary meanings just like a regular linguistic expression. It remarks that the iconic images of a cartoon film are composed of the social codes and can be analyzed on grounds of a linguistic system.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.48
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• pp.93-139
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• 2016

Aside from serving as a body that monitors and criticizes the government through reviews and comments on public issues, newspapers can also form and spread public opinion. Metadata contains certain picture records and, in the case of local newspapers, the former is an important means of obtaining locality. Furthermore, advertising in newspapers and the way of editing in newspapers can be viewed as a representation of the times. For the value of archiving in newspapers when a documentation strategy is established, the newspaper is considered as a top priority that should be collected. A newspaper archive that will handle preservation and management carries huge significance in many ways. Journalists use them to write articles while scholars can use a newspaper archive for academic purposes. Also, the NIE is a type of a practical usage of such an archive. In the digital age, the newspaper archive has an important position because it is located in the core of MAM, which integrates and manages the media asset. With this, there are prospects that an online archive will perform a new role in the production of newspapers and the management of publishing companies. Korea Integrated News Database System (KINDS), an integrated article database, began its service in 1991, whereas Naver operates an online newspaper archive called "News Library." Initially, KINDS received an enthusiastic response, but nowadays, the utilization ratio continues to decrease because of the omission of some major newspapers, such as Chosun Ilbo and JoongAng Ilbo, and the numerous user interface problems it poses. Despite these, however, the system still presents several advantages. For example, it is easy to access freely because there is a set budget for the public, and accessibility to local papers is simple. A national library consistently carries out the digitalization of time-honored newspapers. In addition, individual newspaper companies have also started the service, but it is not enough for such to be labeled an archive. In the United States (US), "Chronicling America"-led by the Library of Congress with funding from the National Endowment for the Humanities-is in the process of digitalizing historic newspapers. The universities of each state and historical association provide funds to their public library for the digitalization of local papers. In the United Kingdom, the British Library is constructing an online newspaper archive called "The British Newspaper Archive," but unlike the one in the US, this service charges a usage fee. The Joint Information Systems Committee has also invested in "The British Newspaper Archive," and its construction is still ongoing. ProQuest Archiver and Gale NewsVault are the representative platforms because of their efficiency and how they have established the standardization of newspapers. Now, it is time to change the way we understand things, and a drastic investment is required to improve the domestic and international online newspaper archive.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.150-169
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• 2020

Surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan in Gyeongju began in earnest during the Japanese colonial era, undertaken by Japanese scholars. These surveys of Buddhist remains in Namsan made during the colonial period should be seen as previous research which cannot be ignored in any in-depth study of Buddhist ruins in Gyeongju. Full-scale surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan began in the 1920s. Previous surveys conducted around the time of the Japanese annexation of Korea in 1910 are generally viewed as only representing preliminary investigations and, thus, have not received much attention. However, these early surveys are significant in that they led to the Buddhist ruins on Namsan becoming widely known in the 1910s and served as the foundations for later studies. The removal of the Seated Medicine Buddha from Samneung Valley in Gyeongju in 1915 and its subsequent exhibition at the Joseon Local Products Expo, which marked the fifth anniversary of the Japanese administration of Korea, was especially important in garnering attention for Namsan's wealth of Buddhist artifacts, as the statue was placed in the main hall of the art museum and attracted a great deal of interest from visitors. It is typically thought that this Seated Medicine Buddha was exhibited in 1915 because it was the most beautiful and well-preserved statue from Namsan. However, the removal of this statue was closely related to the proposed move of the Seokguram statue to Seoul around the time of Korea's annexation. The plan to move Seokguram to Seoul was primarily devised by Terauchi Masatake, and the plan, based on Ilseontongjo-ron ('日鮮同祖論'), a historical theory that prehistoric Korean and Japanese people were of the same blood, and Joseon Jeongcheasoeng-ron ('朝鮮停滯性論'), a historical theory arguing that development had stagnated in Korea, was intended to be a visual demonstration of a new era for Korea. This new era was to proceed under the rule of the Japanese Empire through the dissolution of Gyeongbokgung, the symbol of the Joseon Dynasty, which would be replaced with past glories as symbolized by the statue of Buddha. However, as the plan floundered, the replacement for Seokguram in Seoul ended up being none other than the Seated Medicine Buddha of Samneung Valley. Surveys of the Seated Medicine Buddha began in 1911, administered by Sekino Tadashi, but he likely learned of the statue's location from Moroga Hideo or Kodaira Ryozo, Japanese residents of Gyeongju. It is also probable that these Japanese residents received a request from the Japanese Government General of Korea to find a Buddha statue that was worthy of being displayed at exhibitions. In this way, we can say that the transfer of the Seated Medicine Buddha to Seoul was the result of close cooperation between the Government General, Sekino Tadashi, and Japanese residents of Gyeongju. This also had the effect of removing the magical veil which had shrouded the Buddhist ruins of Namsan. In other words, while the early surveys of Buddhist ruins on Namsan are significant, it is difficult to argue that the surveys were undertaken for purely academic purposes, as they were deeply related to the imperial ambitions of Governor-General Terauchi which encompassed the plans to move Seokguram to Seoul and the successful hosting of the 1915 Expo. It should also be pointed out that the failure of the plan to move Seokguram to Seoul and the preservation of the Seated Stone Buddha of Mireuggok at Namsan was in no small part due to resistance from Korean residents in Gyeongju. Although it is not described in detail in the paper, research is needed which shows that the Korean residents of Gyeongju were not simple bystanders, but agents of history.

• Journal of The Korean Society of Grassland and Forage Science
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.71-82
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• 2005

Khori(高麗) refers to the Chaabog(reindeer) that live on lichens(蘚) on Mt. Soyon(鮮) in which pastures are the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia. Thus, the origin region of the Khori or Koguryo that are the ancestors of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads(馴鹿 遊牧民) can be said to be the Steppe-Taiga-Tundra pastoral areas of North Eurasia and North America. When the pastoral nomads moved on to the great mountain(大山) zone of the Jangbaek(長白) to the Baekdu(白頭) Mountains, they could have been in contact with pastoral farmers or agricultural farmers living there and they became the farmers remaining on agricultural farms. They were the Koryo people, the ancestors of Korea. Staying in one place, they gradually forgot the origin of their reindeer-herding pastoral nomadic history in the Northwest area of Mt. Soyon, the small mountain(小山) zone of the Steppe-Taiga-Tundra pastoral areas. In other words, they lost their identity as reindeer-herding pastoral nomads when they entered the agricultural area after leaving the pastoral area. However, since their basic genes had already formed when they lived on the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia, it is possible to study their pastoral nomadic history focusing on 'the minority living in the broad area(廣域少數)', by utilizing highly advanced biotechnological science and focusing on genes and information technology innovation, and removing various past hindrances in research. Therefore, it is not so difficult to restore the reindeerherding pastoral nomadic history of the Koguryo(高句麗) people and secure their pastoral nomadic identity, of which the first steps have already been taken into their historical stages. The Eurasian continent and the Korean peninsula, especially the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia and the Korean peninsula have been closely related to each other ecologically and historically. They can never be a separate space at all. The Eurasian continent lies horizontally east to west and thus, the continent forms an isothermal zone. Also, since the time of producing their own foods, it was relatively easy for people with their technology to move to other places owing to the pastoral nomadic characteristic of mobility. Unlike the Chungyen(中原) region, western Asia and the regions covering the Siberia-Manchu-Korean peninsula where food production revolution was first made were connected to the Mongolian lichens route(蘚苔之路: Ni, ukinii jam) and steppe roads. Although the ecological conditions of nature have changed a bit throughout a long history, it was natural for the many tribes in North Asia living on the largest Steppe-Taiga-Tundra area in the world to have believed 'the legends related to animals in relation to their founders and ancestors(獸祖傳說)'. Assuming that Siberian tigers and the tigers living on Mt. Baekdu were connected ecologically and genetically because of the ecological characteristics of the animals, and their migration from plateau to plateau, we would suspect that the Chosun(朝鮮) tribe living on Mt. Baekdu were ethnically and culturally more closely connected to the farther removed Ural-Altai tribes that lived on the cold and dry plateau region than to the Han(i14;) tribe who lived in Chungyen(中原) that was close to Mt. Baekdu. More evidence is the structure of the Korean language which has the form of 'Subject + Object + Verb', which is assumed to have originated from the speedy lifestyle of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads. The structure is quite different from that of the Han(漢) language, which is based on agricultural life. Also, it is natural for reindeer riding reindeerherding pastoral nomads or horse-riding sheep-herding pastoral nomads(騎馬, 羊遊牧民) to have held military and political power over the region and eventually to have established an ancient pastoral nomadic empire in the process of their conquest of agricultural regions. The stages for founding global empires in the history of mankind maybe largely divided into two, in terms of ecological conditions and occupations. They are the steppes and the oceans. Of course, the steppe-based empires were established based on the skills to deal with horses and the ability to shoot arrows while riding horses, along with the use of iron ware in the 8th century BC. The steppe-based empires became the foundation for an oceanic empire, which could have been established by the use of warships and warship guns since the 15th Century. Based on those facts, we know that Chosun, Puyo(夫餘), and Koguryo are the products of a developmental process of pastoral nomadic empires on the steppes. Maybe we can easily find the pastoral nomadic identity of the Koguryo more than we expected when we trace the origins and history of the Korean tribe living in the pastures located in the northwest area of Mt. Jangbaek by focusing on pastoral nomadic mobility and organization just as we have investigated the historic origins of Anglo-Saxons in America by focusing on the times before the 15th Century. In the process, we should keep in mind that English culture originated from the Industrial Revolution and was directly delivered to the American continent, although America was far from England and was not an intermediate point on long sojourns either. Further, American culture came back to England in a more advanced form later. The most important thing currently to be resolved is to cause Koreans to look back on their own history in a freer way of thinking and with diverse, profound, and sharp insight, taking away the old and existing conventional recognition that is entangled with complicated interests with Korean people and other countries. The meanings of Chosun, Khori, and Solongos have been interpreted arbitrarily without any historic evidence by the scholars who followed conventional tradition of fixed-minded aristocrats in an agricultural society. If the Siberian cultural properties of the stone age, the earthenware age, the bronze age, and the iron age are analyzed in such a way, archaeological discovery will never be able to contribute to the restoration of the Koguryo's pastoral nomadic identity. One should transcend the errors that tend to interpret the cultural properties discovered in the pastoral nomadic regions as not being differentiated from those of agricultural regions and just interpret them altogether from the agricultural point of view. A more careful intention is required in the interpretation of cultural properties of ancient Korean empires that seem to have been formed due to mutual interactions of pastoral nomadic and agricultural cultures. Also, it is required that the conventional recognition chain of 'reverse-genes' be severed, which has placed more weight on agricultural properties than pastoral nomadic ones, since their settlement on agricultural farms was made after the establishment of their ancient pastoral nomadic empires. There is no reason at all to place priority on stoneware, earthenware, bronze ware, and iron ware than on wooden ware(木器) and other ware which were made of animal skins(皮器), bones and horns(骨角器), in analyzing the history in the regions of reindeer or sheep pastures. Reading ancient Korean history from the perspective of pastoral nomadic history, one feels strongly the instinctive emotions to return to the natural 'mother place'. The reindeer-herding pastoral nomadic identity of the Koguryo people that has been accumulated in volumes in their genes and hidden deep inside and have interacted organically could be reborn with Burqanism(Burqan refers to 不咸 in Chinese), which was their religion by birth and symbolized as the red willow(紅柳=不咸). The mother place of the Koguryo's people is the endless vast green pastures of North Eurasia and North America, where we anticipated the development of Korean livestock farming following the inherent properties in the genes of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads with Korean ancestors. We anticipate that the place would be the core resource that could contribute to the development of life of living creatures following the inherent properties of their genes and biotechnological factors. In other words, biotechnology used for a search for clues on the well-being of humans could be the fruit brought by Burqanism of the Koguryo people and the fruit of the globalization of Korean livestock farming. It is the Chosun farmer in China come from the vast nomadic reindeer pastures of North Eurasia that resolved the food problem of a billion Chinese people with lowland paddy rice seeds (水稻) by transforming Heilongjiang Province(黑龍江省) into an oceanic lowland paddy rice field(水田). Even Mao Tse-tung(毛擇東) could not resolve the food problem by his revolution campaigns for tens of years. Today is the very time that requires the development of special livestock farming following the inherent properties of the ancient Korean reindeer-herding pastoral nomads that respected the dignity of life on the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia and the America continent. I suggest that research should be started from the pastures of the Dariganga Steppe in East Mongolia that was the homeland of Hanwoo(韓牛) and the central horse-herding steppe place(牧馬場) of Chingis Khan's Mongolia. The Dariganga Steppe is awash with an affluent natural environment for pastoral nomadic living however, the quality of life of the pastoral nomads there is still low. I suggest we Koreans, the descendents of the Koguryo, should take our first steps for our livestock farming business project and develop the Northern nomadic pastures, here at the pastures of the Dariganga Steppe, which is the Mongolian core place of state-of-the-art technology for military weapons.