• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.13 no.12
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• pp.715-723
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• 2013

Following the social consensus for the need to stop sexual violence, the government has amended juvenile sex protection laws to impose fees on education practitioners who do not report sexual crimes against women, and amended the 'domestic violence prevention and victim protection laws' (2012. 2) so that the police can investigate on site. However, regardless of these wide efforts, the reality is that sexual crimes against the socially weak do not seem to be dwindling, raising concerns of the effectiveness of such amendments. Generally sexual crimes are hard to prove, and even if reports are filed, most cases are dropped with non-prosecution disposition. Victims are usually limited to women and children and this leads to secondary victims. As this thesis states, developed countries have a more systematic protection methods than our country. Therefore, the purpose of this thesis lies on the construction of public safety infrastructure for the protection of sexual abuse victims (enhancing safety protocols with related organizations, implementing a bill of rights for the victims, prevention-centered police education, amendments to current law) to limit human rights violations and criminal injuries.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.213-247
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• 2018

Thailand in 2017 the public sentiment has turned against the military government. The four pledges the military declared immediately after the 2014 coup, restoration of democracy, addressing of divisive politics, eradication of corruption, and stimulation of the economy have all failed. In the same year, however, Thai military junta began to recover it's diplomatic relationship with western countries including US and EU owing to promulgation of the new constitution endorsed by King Maha Vajiralongkorn and the lavish funeral of late King Bhumibol Adulyadej which was attended by huge number of condolence delegations from around the world including US Defense Secretary James Mattis. Since the 2014 coup, US has sanctioned the country under military junta led by General Prayuth Chan-o-cha for urging them back to the barracks. EU also joined this sanction measures. US signaled change in it's policy when General Prayuth got the chance to visit US and meet President Donal Trump in 2017. General Prayuth Chan-o-cha's military junta could start to restore it's reputation internationally. Domestically, he used absolute powers based on section 44 of the interim constitution, also guranteed in the new constitution. Oversea and national human rights groups have criticized that the interim constitution for permitting the NCPO, Thai military junta's official name, to carry out policies and actions without any effective oversight or accountability for human rights violations. On 1 December 2017, Thailand marked the one-year anniversary of King Maha Vajiralongkorn's accession to the throne as the country's new monarch, Rama X. In the first year of King Rama X's reign, arrests, prosecutions, and imprisonment under Article 112 of Thailand's Criminal Code (lese-majeste) have continued unabated in Thailand. NCPO has continued to abuse Article 112 to detain alleged violators and curb any form of discussion regarding the monarchy, particularly on social media. In this worsening human rights environment General Prayuth Chan-o-cha enforced continuously campaign like Thai-style democracy- an effort to promote largely autocratic 'Thainess' in such a way that freedom of expression is threatened. It is a resurgence of 'Sarit Model'. In the beginning of 2017 Thai military government raised the slogan of 'opportunity Thailand' in the context of 'Thailand 4.0' project which attempts to transform Thai economy based on industry-driven to innovation-driven for recovering robust growth. To consider freedom and liberty as a source of innovation, 'Thailand 4.0' led by 'Sarit Model' without democracy would be skeptical.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.47
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• pp.85-117
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• 2016

These days, ISIS terrorists have been expanding not only to european countries, but also to asian countries so South Korea is no longer safe from terrorists' attacks. Especially, 'soft target terrorism' makes many people maximizing fear of terrorism because it is caused by small groups - those who are armed with small arms and light weapons - and they are able to carry out hit and run attacks on civilian targets. It poses even more dangerous to kill massively. That is why November 2015 Paris attacks and January 2016 Jakarta attacks killed and injured many people because of 'soft target terrorism.' Therefore, the South Korea has also recognized the seriousness of terrorism by ISIS. The study has shown the precautionary measures about 'soft target terrorism' and how to defend against 'soft target terrorism' by looking through overseas examples. It is for the possibilities of 'soft terrorism' in South Korea because of the expansion of ISIS. As a result, 'soft target terrorism', caused by ISIS, could happen in South Korea. The counterplan is as in the following. First of all, 'soft target terrorism', which is collaborated with ISIS and domestic terrorists, could be caused by negative awareness of foreign residents and xenophobia so the public should change stereotypes about the foreign residents and there should be legislation about racial discrimination enacted by parliament and the government must practice the law. Second, the Korean anti-terrorism laws should be modified to minimize violations of human rights, related to the Korean citizens' personal information, and to stop the concentration of power into the hands of one law enforcement. Third, the government has to develop and to initiate the refuge&evacuation simulation, which prepares for 'soft target terrorism' and minimizes the damages if terrorists attack hot spots like central commercial areas or event halls.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.75
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• pp.43-79
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• 2016

An increase in the number of immigrants to Korea since the late 1980s' has signified the proliferation of globalization and global capitalism. In Korea, most married immigrants are women, as the culture emphasizes patrilineage and the stability of the institution of marriage, particularly in rural areas. Immigrant women have experienced dual ordeals. The Aogra Internet community in Korea has been one of the most representative sites that has shown the power of communities in cyberspace since 2002, leading the discussion of social issues and deliberative democracy both online and offline. This paper analyzed Koreans' writings (such as long comments) on immigrant women in the Agora community. The analysis revealed the following results: first, immigrant women were referred to using terms related to prostitution, with excessive expression of disgust, which is called a "narrative of identity." Second, anti-multiculturalists called Korean men victims of married immigrant women and expressed hatred toward immigrant women, which is called a "narrative of sacrifice." Third, anti-multiculturalists justified their emotions as just resentment based on ideas of justice, equality, and patriotism, concealing the emotion of disgust, which is called the "narrative of justice, equality." Fourth, antimulticulturalists played roles to spread the emotion of disgust, by repeatedly referring to international marriage fraud and immigrant workers' crimes, which is called "narrative of crime." Fifth, some positive writings on immigrant women were based on empathy(a concept defined in this context by Martha Nussbaum), but they can be analyzed as narratives encouraging cultural integration through the perspective of orientalism. Therefore, comments on immigrant women in the Agora represent a "catch-22" dilemma. To deal with conflicts arising from disgust and violations of human rights, civic education focusing on humanism is needed in this multicultural era.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.48
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• pp.259-285
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• 2016

As the need for anti-terrorism legislation has been continuously argued, Anti-terrorism act has been enacted and enforced. On the other hand, there still remain a lot of points to be discussed regarding the definition of the concept of terrorism, matters of human rights violations, strengthening authority of the investigation and intelligence agencies, and mobilization military forces for the suppression of terrorism. Also, reviewing Anti-terrorism act and its enforcement ordinance draft, this legislation seems to regulate terrorist groups like IS. If so, in the case of terrorism of North Korea or domestic anti-government organizations, whether this law would be applied could become an issue. In the case of terrorism of North Korea, Ministry of National Defense has a right of commandership in the military operations, however, it is also possible to apply the article 4 of Natural Security Act a crime of performing objective-or a crime of foreign exchange on Criminal law as legal grounds for not military terrorisms but general investigations. Therefore, it is necessary to involve consideration about this matter. Furthermore, in the view of investigation, Anti-terrorism act and its enforcement ordinance draft do not mention Supreme Prosecutors Office and Ministry of Justice that conduct investigations. In the case of terrorism, the police and prosecution should conduct to arrest criminals and determine crimes at the investigation stage, however, any explicit article related to this content in Anti-terrorism act and its enforcement ordinance draft was unable to be found. Although Anti-terrorism act is certainly toward preventive aspects, considering some matters such as prevention, actions on the scene, maneuver after terrorism, arresting terrorists, investigation direction, cooperation, and mutual assistance, it is necessary to reflect these contents in Anti-terrorism act. In other words, immediately after terrorists attacks, it is possible to mobilize the military operations by Integrated Defense act in order to arrest them in the case of military terrorism. Nevertheless, because both military terrorism and general one are included in the investigation stage, it needs to begin an investigation under the direction of the prosecution. Therefore, above all, a device for finding out the truth behind the case at the investigation stage is not reflected in the current Anti-terrorism act and its enforcement ordinance draft. Accordingly, if National Intelligence Service approaches information at the prevention level in this situation, it may be necessary to come up with follow-up measures of the police, the prosecution, and military units.