• The Journal of Korean Medicine Ophthalmology and Otolaryngology and Dermatology
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.251-268
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• 1998

125 Cases of Acne were treated by Acupuncture and Herb-med treatment during a three months duration from April 1996 to February 1998 in Kyung Hee Univ. Department of Ophthal, Otolaryngology. College of Oriental Medicine. We have observed the cases and the results as follows: 1. The age of average was 24.55 age : 21.91 in males, 24.55 in females. and in these, the gulf between males and females were showed statically significant diference. In the age of onset, averag was 16.96 age and mode was 18 age and male's average was 16.96 age, minimun was 11 age, maximum 40 age and female's average was 20.14 age, minimun was 10 age, maximum 40 age. and these were showed statically significant diference between males and females. 2. In the distribution of season, winter was the most with $37.8\%$ of out patients, the rest was similar to difference of each other. but there was clear difference between males and females. 3. In the duration of history, the average was 5.10 years and male's average was 5.13 years. on the other hand female's was 5.09 years but there is no any significant difference have a resemblance with each other. 4. In blood type, O type was the most with $35.20\%$ and there was in the order of A type was $26.40\%\;B\;type\;was\;23.20\%,\;AB\;type\;was\;15.20\%$ but these were not significant difference by the chi-tend and analysis of variance with total cases, males and females. 5. In select of the preference food, patients of the prefer worm food was $42.40\%\;and\;cool\;food\;was\;38.40\%,\;tepid\;food\;was\;24\%$ but these were no significant difference by the chi-test and ANOVA of each other. 6. the state of pulse classified into 11 type and average was 7.2 times, maximum was 29 times with Hyun Sae, at the same time, the female's average was 6.73 times, maximum was 27 times and male's average was 1.5 times. The result of test with each other, these were showed statically significant difference as compared total cases with males but there were not females ones. 7. In the frequency of the major cause, oversensitiveness was the most with $34.93\%$. secondly there was in order of indigestion $30.82\%$ and menstrual irregularity and menstruation pain $23.28\%$. constipation $10.96\%$ and these showed statically significant difference as compared the females with males on the result of test for difference with each other. 8. In frequency of the symptoms, itching was the most with $31.97\%$ and there was in order of nodule $20.49\%$, pustule $18.85\%,\;papule\;15.58\%,\;flare\;13.12\%$ and also these showed statically significant difference as compared the females with males 9. for the Distribution of acne region, face was the most with $64.06\%$ and there was in order of back $14.29\%,\;upper-chest\;11.69\%,\;neck\;7.79\%$ and there was no significant difference as compared total cases with males and females. 10. Acne applied 30 prescription to 4 weeks and over and 20 weeks and over was $23.3\%$, 30 weeks and over was $16.67\%$ and average of administration duration were 4.2 weeks(male's average 5.78, maximum 96 weeks and female's average 3.85, maximum 23 weeks) maximum was 96 weeks, minimum was 1 week. 11. In the acupuncture treatment, $96.6\%$ applied to acupuncture and average was 5.44 times, maximum 46 times, minimum 1 time(male's average 4.64, female's 5.62) but these were not any significant differeence. 12. for the medication, author made a investigation and comparison between control group with treated group in order to observe for the therapeutic effect during the 1 month and 2, 3. From these results, we can see that acne was improved by the oriental treatment. in the 1 month, average of control group was 13.24 and treated group was 11.78. these showed statically significant decrease in P<0.02 as compared the treated group with control group. In the 2 months, average of control group was 13.43 and treated group was 9.03. these showed statically significant decrease in P<0.003 as compared the treated group with control group. In the 3 months, average of control group was 13.78 and treated group was 8.06. these showed statically significant decrease in P<0.008 as compared the treated group with control group.

• Korean Journal of Food Science and Technology
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• v.34 no.4
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• pp.710-718
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• 2002

It is reported that Pueraria Radix contains phtoestrogens whereas flower, and bud of Pueraria lobata Ohwi were not known. In the present study, we determined the amount of phytoestrogen in each portion of P. lobata Ohwi and carried out therapeutic effects of osteoporosis. The amounts of genistein, daidzein, and formononetin in Pueraria Radix (PR), Pueraria Flos (PF), and young Pueratia Folium (PL) were quantitated using a HPLC system. Proliferation of osteoblast and growth inhibitory effect on osteoclast were measured in order to screen their effects on osteoporosis. Proliferation of osteoblast-like cells (Saos-2) was analyzed by both MTT methods and alkaline phosphatase (ALP) assays. Growth inhibitory effect on osteoclast was also detected as Tartrate resistant acid phosphatase (TRAP) assay. Ovariectomized rat as an in vivo animal model was selected and administrations of PR were 1 g/kg/day (PR-1) and 5 g/kg/day (PR-5) for 9 weeks, respectively. Trabecular bone areas (TBAs) of tibia and lumbar were analyzed usibg histomorphological methods. Results show that PR contains the highest level of daidzein ($10435{\pm}2143\;mg/kg$ of dried herb) and stimulated ALP activity, approximately 160% of the control. Growth inhibitory effect on osteoclast by both PR and daidzein were almost identical with control although $IC_{50}$ of genistein was $5.81{\times}10^{-7}$ M. Increases in body weight of OVX rats were suppressed by administration of PR but wet weights of uterus in PR-5 group were increased (p<0.05). Plasma ALP and HDL-cholesterol levels were decreased following ages (p<0.01), and LDL-cholesterol level was also decreased in PR-5 group at 20 week of age (p<0.01). TBAs of tibia and lumbar in PR-1 and PR-5 groups were higher than those of the control although the values were less than those of the sham group (each p<0.01) In conclusion, administrations of PR prevented loss of TBAs of tibia and lumber in OVX rats, while PL and PF did not (p<0.01).

• The Journal of Korean Obstetrics and Gynecology
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.81-100
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• 2014

Objectives: The object of this study was to observe the in vitro anti-bacterial and anti-inflammatory effects of six single aqueous herbal extracts-Quisqualis Fructus (QuF), Meliae Cortex (MeC), Arecae Semen (ArS), Crassirhizomae Rhizoma (CrR), Ulmi Pasta Semen(UlS), Torreyae Semen(ToS)- against Staphylococcus aureus (S. aureus) and Lipopolysaccharide(LPS)-activated Raw 264.7 cells. Methods: Anti-bacterial activities against S. aureus of aqueous extracts of QuF, MeC, ArS, CrR, UlS and ToS were detected using standard agar microdilution methods. In addition, the effects on the cell viability, prostaglandin $E_2$ ($PGE_2$), nitric oxide (NO), tumor necrosis factor-${\alpha}$ (TNF-${\alpha}$), interleukin (IL)-$1{\beta}$ and IL-6 productions of LPS activated Raw 264.7 cells were detected. The anti-bacterial and anti-inflammatory effects were respectively compared with lincomycin and piroxicam. Results: Minimal Inhibition Concentration (MIC) of aqueous extracts of QuF, MeC, ArS, CrR, UlS and ToS against S. aureus was respectively detected $5.625{\pm}4.075$ (3.125~12.500), $0.332{\pm}0.273$ (0.098~0.782), $1.094{\pm}0.428$ (0.782~1.563), $2.969{\pm}2.096$ (0.782~6.250), $9.375{\pm}4.419$ (3.125~12.500)>25 mg/ml. MIC of lincomycin was detected as $0.469{\pm}0.297$ (0.195~0.782) ${\mu}g/ml$ at same conditions. In addition, $ED_{50}$ against LPS-induced cell viabilities and cytokine releases of QuF, MeC, ArS, CrR, UlS and ToS was as follows - Cell viability: 66.370, 2.908, 1.747, 259.553, 18.150 and 34.160 mg/ml; NO production: 389.486, 0.294, 0.138, 523.060, 45.363 and 49.327 mg/ml; $PGE_2$ production: 114.271, 0.223, 0.046, 243.078, 8.829 and 28.947 mg/ml; TNF-${\alpha}$ production: 406.288, 0.343, 0.123, 9404.227, 125.406 and 140.775 mg/ml; IL-$1{\beta}$ production: 117.178, 0.135, 0.019, 237.451, 7.923 and 19.418 mg/ml; IL-6 production: 31.261, 0.105, 0.055, 128.434, 2.290 and 3.745 mg/ml. ED50 of piroxicam against LPS-induced cell viabilities, NO, $PGE_2$, TNF-${\alpha}$, IL-$1{\beta}$ and IL-6 were detected as 35.179, 6.552, 1.162, 7.273, 7.101 and $5.044{\mu}g/ml$, respectively at same conditions. Conclusions: All six single aqueous herbal extracts showed anti-bacterial effects against S. aureus, in the order of MeC, ArS, CrR, QuF and UlS aqueous extracts except for ToS; they did not showed any anti-bacterial effects (MIC>25 mg/ml). They also showed anti-inflammatory effects against LPS-activated Raw 264.7 cells in the order of ArS, MeC, UlS, ToS, QuF and CrR aqueous extracts. It means that the ArS and MeC will be showed favorable potent anti-bacterial and related anti-inflammatory effects.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.3
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• pp.54-73
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• 2021

The Natural Products Research Institute (NPRI, 生藥硏究所), an institution affiliated with Keijo Imperial University (京城帝國大學), was the predecessor of the NPRI at Seoul National University and a comprehensive research institute that focused on ginseng research during the Japanese colonial era. It was established under the leadership of Noriyuki Sugihara (杉原德行), a professor of the second lecture in pharmacology at the College of Medicine in Keijo Imperial University. Prof. Sugihara concentrated on studying Korean ginseng and herbal medicine beginning in 1926 when the second lecture of pharmacology was established. In addition to Prof. Sugihara, who majored in medicine and pharmacology, Kaku Tenmin (加來天民), an assistant professor who majored in pharmacy; Tsutomu Ishidoya (石戶谷勉), a lecturer who majored in agriculture and forestry; and about 36 researchers actively worked in the laboratory before the establishment of the NPRI in 1939. Among these personnel, approximately 14 Korean researchers had basic medical knowledge, derived mostly from specialized schools, such as medical, dental, and pharmaceutical institutions. As part of the initiative to explore the medicinal herbs of Joseon, the number of Korean researchers increased beginning in 1930. This increase started with Min Byung-Ki (閔丙祺) and Kim Ha-sik (金夏植). The second lecture of pharmacology presented various research results in areas covering medicinal plants in Joseon as well as pharmacological actions and component analyses of herbal medicines. It also conducted joint research with variousinstitutions. Meanwhile, in Gaesong (開城), the largest ginseng-producing area in Korea, the plan for the Pharmaceutical Industry Complex was established in 1935. This was a large-scale project aimed at generating profits through research on and the mass production of drugs and the reformation of the ginseng industry under collaboration among the Gaesong Ministry, Kwandong (關東) military forces, Keijo Imperial University, and private organizations. In 1936 and 1938, the Gyeonggi Provincial Medicinal Plant Research Institute (京畿道立 藥用植物硏究所) and the Herb Garden of Keijo Imperial University (京城帝國大學 藥草園) and Pharmaceutical Factory were established, respectively. These institutions merged to become Keijo Imperial University's NPRI, which wasthen overseen by Prof. Sugihara as director. Aside from conducting pharmacological research on ginseng, the NPRI devoted efforts to the development and sale of ginseng-based drugs, such as Sunryosam (鮮麗蔘), and the cultivation of ginseng. In 1941, the Jeju Urban Test Center (濟州島試驗場) was established, and an insecticide called Pancy (パンシ) was produced using Jeju-do medicinal herbs. However, even before research results were published in earnest, Japanese researchers, including Prof. Sugihara, hurriedly returned to Japan in 1945 because of the surrender of Japanese forces and the liberation of Korea. The NPRI was handed over to Seoul National University and led by Prof. Oh Jin-Sup (吳鎭燮), a former medical student at Keijo Imperial University. Scholars such as Woo Lin-Keun (禹麟根) and Seok Joo-Myung (石宙明) worked diligently to deal with the Korean pharmaceutical industry.

• The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
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• v.10
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• pp.1-40
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• 2008

1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.85-94
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• 1970

This is a study of 21 tuberculosis patients receiving medical treatment at the Public Health Center in Kyongi Do, Pu Chun Gun and at the General Hospital. The results cover the findings of the period from May, 1969 to November 1970. The information obtained is based on personal interviews with the patients, and symptomatic diagnosis made from observations. The following statistics when not equalling 100% contain only the responses of the two extremes in each case. The findings of the research are as follows: 1. 52.3% of the patients in the study are males and 47.7% are females. 28.6% of the subjects are between 20 and 29 years of age and an equal percent are between 30 and 39 years. 2. 47.5% of the subjects had graduated from primary school, while only 4.8% had graduated from high school. 3. 57.1% of the patients said they had no religions beliefs, while 4.8% professed to being Buddhists or believing in superstition. 4. 47.3% of the people said they were unemployed, while 4.8% classified themselves as labourers. 5. In response to how tuberculosis was first detected in their respective cases, 52.6% became aware of their disease through X-ray results, while 4.8% were discovered to have tuberculosis when being treated for other diseases at the hospital. 6. When asked how many of the patients knew anything about their disease when treated, 57.1% knew nothing about tuberculosis when they received treatment, while 42.9% had some knowledge of the disease. 7. Of those who knew something about tuberculosis, 61.9% learned about from doctors and nurses, while 4.8% learned from other people. 8. 57.1% of the patients knew that tuberculosis is a communicable disease, while 42.9% did not know. 9. 52.4% of the patients did not know the cause of tuberculosis while 4.9% believed the disease was caused by a curse. 10. When asked about the extent of treatment, 52.4% responded that they had undergone continuous treatment, while 4.8% had not received treatment. 11.The reasons given for not continuing treatment were the following: economic factors 55.6%; side reactions to the treatment, lack of knowledge of how to get treatment, of the need for treatment, or of the positive effects of treatment 11.1%. 12. 61.9% of the subjects usually took the medical treatment at home, 9.5% took it in the mountains or at the beach. 13. 42.9% of the patients received drugs for treatment at the local public health center, while 4.8% received them at the hospital 14. 33.3% of the patients received P.A.S＋I.N.H.＋S.M. for treatment of tuberculosis, while 4.8% received P.A.S.＋S.M.. and some secondary drug. 15. Of the patients who took some extra medicine for tuberculosis, 38.1% took a Chinese drug, while 9.5% took herb medicine. 16. 38.1% of the patients had continued treatment for three years, 4.8% had interrupted the treatment. 17. When asked about the development of the disease after treatment, the patients gave the following information: after one month, 90.5% thought the treatment helped, while 9.5% weren't sure; after one year, 55.6% thought it was good, while 5.5% thought it was not; after three years, 63.6% had a very bad condition. while 4.8% didn't know. 18. 61.9% of the patients were unconcerned about covering their mouths when they coughed, while 38.1% covered their mouths. 19. 57.2% were unconcerned they spit, while 23.8% spit into a waste basket. 20. 66.7% were unconcerned about sterilizing tableware, while 9.5% handled it separately. 21. 66.7% were unconcerned about ventilating their room, while 9.5% ventilated the room twice a week.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.35 no.5
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• pp.557-564
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• 2006

This research was planned and executed to evaluate how the composition of Yak-sun (oriental diet therapy) can effect health conditions of people who are suffering from diet-related diseases like obesity and hyper lipidemia by taking Yak-sun in a form of nutritional supplement with our daily meals. We produced Yak-sun tea with $Ky\hat{a}lmy\hat{a}ngja$, Kamguk, $K\hat{u}m\hat{u}nhwa$, Ch'onkung and observed nutritional composition and evaluated how this tea effects on serum lipids and homocystein concentration by clinical practices. With this observation, we found out that this tea has significant effect on increasing of HDL-cholesterol, decreasing of LDL-cholesterol and homocysteine concentration, and we think that scientific and objective evaluation was done on the components of Yak-sun tea prescription. We concluded that we could apply the components not only in a form of tea, but also in other forms of various food. The information we received from this conclusion will be a basic information on how we can apply oriental medicinal resources into other food and will also be a stepping stone for medicinal herbs to step foot in the field of functional food research, which already draws sizable attention world-wide.

• The Journal of Korean Medicine
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• v.16 no.1 s.29
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• pp.184-197
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• 1995

After 45 patients examined as to the result of medical treatment among the ones who came to Dept. of Pain Clinic, Oriental Medical Hospital, Chunju Woosuk University complaining low back pain chiefly from Dec/19/1994 to Feb/7/1995 for 50 days or so were observed clinically, the results were obtained as follows: 1. In duration of the case history, acute stage(37.8%) was the most predominant, and subacute stage(35.6%) and chronic stage(26.7%) were revealed in turn. 2. In opinions of radiation, Spondylosis(26.7%) was the most predominant, Scoliosis(15.6%) and HIVD(11.1%) were revealed in order, and 3 cases were revealed to be negative. 3. In the radiating pain of the lower limb, the radiating pains of the left lower limb were the most predominant and those of the right lower limb and those of both lower limbs were revealed in turn. By the way, 31.1% of patients didn't suffer from the radiating pain of the lower limb. 4. In the grade of the seriousness of subsective symptom, Grade 2(66.7%) was the most predominant, and Grade 3, Grade 4, and Grade 1 followed it in order. 5. In the period of the treatments of medi-acupuncture, 2-5 day treatments(31.1%) were major and 6-10 day treatments(26.7%), 16-20 day treatments(11.1%), 26-30 day treatments(11.1%), over 31 day treatments(11.1%), 11-15 day treatments(4.4%), and 21-25 day treatments(4.4%) followed it by turns. Thus 2-10 day treatments are 57.8% and under 30 day treatments are 57.8% of all. 6. In the frequency of use of each medi-acupuncture, V was most frequency used in 41 cases(91.1%), and 11 cases of HN(24.4%), 8 cases of MOK(17.8%), 4 cases of OK(8.9%), 2 cases of B(4.4%), and a case of I(2.2%) were revealed in turn. 7. In the effect of treatments, 10 cases(22.2%) were excellent, 25 cases(55.6%) were good, 5 cases(11.1%) were fair, and 5 cases(11.1%) were poor. As the result, 88.9% of all changed for the better and all of these were improved within the third trial. 8. The effect of the treatments per durations was 100% in acute stage, 93.8% in subacute stage, and 66.7% in chronic stage. According to that, it was reavealed that the rate of treatments decreased as it came near to the chronic stage. 9. The effect of treatments per radiating pains was 87.5% in the radiating pains of the left lower limb, 81.8% in those of the right lower limb, 100% in those of both lower limbs, and 92.9% in case that patients have no radiating pains. So in the rate of treatments on radiating pains of the lower limbs, the case of both sides or no radiating pains was higher than that of one side. 10. In the effect of treatments per the condition of patients, Grade 4 showed 100% of improvement, Grade 3 showed 90.9% of improvement, Grade 2 showed 86.7% of improvement, and Grade 1 showed 100% of improvement. 11. In the effect of treatments per contents of treatments, the group treated with medi-acupuncture therapy, herb medication therapy, acupuncture therapy, and physiothrapy at the same time(Group 1) showed 100% of improvement, the group treated with medi-acupuncture therapy, acupuncture therapy, and physiotherapy simultaneously(Group 2) showed 73.7% of improvement, and the group treated with medi-acupuncture therapy and acupuncture therapy at the same time(Group 3) showed 100% of improvement. 12. 2-5 day treatments showed 78.6% of improvement, 6-10 day treatments showed 91.7% of improvement, and over 31 day treatments showed 100% of improvement. As the result, genarally the longer the period of treatment was, the better the effect of treatment was. 13. When only V was used, the rate of treatment was 96.2%. When only HN was used, the rate of treatment was 100%. When only MOK was used, the rate of treatment was 100%. When V and HN were used at the same time, the rate of treatment was 33.3%. When V and MOK were used at the same time, the rate of treatment was 100%. When V and OK were used at the same time, the rate of treatment was 100%. When V, HN, and MOK were used at the same time, the rate of treatment was 100%. When V, OK, and MOK were used at the same time, the rate of treatment was 100%. When V, MOK, and B were used at the same time, the rate of treatment was 100%. When V, HN, OK, and I were used at the same time, the rate of treatment was 100%. When V, HN, and B were used at the same time, the rate of treatment was 100%.

• Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
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• v.15 no.23
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• pp.10407-10412
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• 2015

Background: ${\beta}$-elemene, extracted from herb medicine Curcuma wenyujin has potent anti-tumor effects in various cancer cell lines. However, the activity of ${\beta}$-elemene against glioma cells remains unclear. In the present study, we assessed effects of ${\beta}$-elemene on human glioma cells and explored the underlying mechanism. Materials and Methods: Human glioma U87 cells were used. Cell proliferation was determined with MTT assay and colony formation assay to detect the effect of ${\beta}$-elemene at different doses and times. Fluorescence microscopy was used to observe cell apoptosis with Hoechst 33258 staining and change of glioma apoptosis and cell cycling were analyzed by flow cytometry. Real-time quantitative PCR and Western-blotting assay were performed to investigated the influence of ${\beta}$-elemene on expression levels of Fas/FasL, caspase-3, Bcl-2 and Bax. The experiment was divided into two groups: the blank control group and ${\beta}$-elemne treatment group. Results: With increase in the concentration of ${\beta}$-elemene, cytotoxic effects were enhanced in the glioma cell line and the concentration of inhibited cell viability ($IC_{50}$) was $48.5{\mu}g/mL$ for 24h. ${\beta}$-elemene could induce cell cycle arrest in the G0/G1 phase. With Hoechst 33258 staining, apoptotic nuclear morphological changes were observed. Activation of caspase-3,-8 and -9 was increased and the pro-apoptotic factors Fas/FasL and Bax were upregulated, while the anti-apoptotic Bcl-2 was downregulated after treatment with ${\beta}$-elemene at both mRNA and protein levels. Furthermore, proliferation and colony formation by U87 cells were inhibited by ${\beta}$-elemene in a time and does-dependent manner. Conclusions: Our results indicate that ${\beta}$-elemene inhibits growth and induces apoptosis of human glioma cells in vitro. The induction of apoptosis appears to be related with the upregulation of Fas/FasL and Bax, activation of caspase-3,-8 and -9 and downregulation of Bcl-2, which then trigger major apoptotic cascades.