• Title/Summary/Keyword: head position

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THREE DIMENSIONAL ANALYSIS OF MAXILLOFACIAL STRUCTURE BY FRONTAL AND LATERAL CEPHALOGRAM (두부 방사선 규격사진을 이용한 악안면 구조의 3차원적 분석법)

  • Kwon, Kui-Young;Lee, Sang-Han;Kwon, Tae-Geon
    • Maxillofacial Plastic and Reconstructive Surgery
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    • v.21 no.2
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    • pp.174-188
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    • 1999
  • The purpose of this study is to evaluate the precision and accuracy of a three dimensional cephalogram constructed by using the frontal and lateral cephalogram of twelve human dry skulls. After achieving the three dimensional image reconstruction program, we tried to apply this program to two dentofacial deformity patients. 1. Conventional nasion relator in cephalostat was used to reproduce the same head position for the same dry skull. The mean difference of the three dimensional cephalogram for the same dry skull was $0.34{\pm}0.33mm$. Closeness of repeated measures to each skull reveals the precision of this method for the three dimensional cephalogram. 2. Concerning the accuracy, the mean difference between the three dimensional reconstruction data and actual lineal measurements was $1.47{\pm}1.45mm$ and the mean magnification ratio was $100.24{\pm}4.68%$. This Diffrerence is attributed mainly to the ill defined cephalometric landmarks, not to the positional change of the dry skull. 3. Cephalometric measurement of lateral and frontal radiographs had no consecutive magnification ratio because of the different focus-object distance. The mean difference between the frontal and lateral cephalogram to the actual lineal measurements was $4.72{\pm}2.01mm$ and $-5.22{\pm}3.36mm$. Vertical measurements were slightly more accurate than horizontal measurements. 4. Applying to the actual patient analysis, it is recommendable to use this program for analyzing the asymmetry or spatial change after operation. The orthodontic bracket would be a favorable cephalometric landmark for constructing the three dimensional images.

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Convolution-Superposition Based IMRT Plan Study for the PTV Containing the Air Region: A Prostate Cancer Case (Convolution-Superposition 알고리즘을 이용한 치료계획시스템에서 공기가 포함된 표적체적에 대한 IMRT 플랜: 전립선 케이스)

  • Kang, Sei-Kwon;Yoon, Jai-Woong;Park, Soah;Hwang, Taejin;Cheong, Kwang-Ho;Han, Taejin;Kim, Haeyoung;Lee, Me-Yeon;Kim, Kyoung Ju;Bae, Hoonsik
    • Progress in Medical Physics
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    • v.24 no.4
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    • pp.271-277
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    • 2013
  • In prostate IMRT planning, the planning target volume (PTV), extended from a clinical target volume (CTV), often contains an overlap air volume from the rectum, which poses a problem inoptimization and prescription. This study was aimed to establish a planning method for such a case. There can be three options in which volume should be considered the target during optimization process; PTV including the air volume of air density ('airOpt'), PTV including the air volume of density value one, mimicking the tissue material ('density1Opt'), and PTV excluding the air volume ('noAirOpt'). Using 10 MV photon beams, seven field IMRT plans for each target were created with the same parameter condition. For these three cases, DVHs for the PTV, bladder and the rectum were compared. Also, the dose coverage for the CTV and the shifted CTV were evaluated in which the shifted CTV was a copied and translated virtual CTV toward the rectum inside the PTV, thus occupying the initial position of the overlap air volume, simulating the worst condition for the dose coverage in the target. Among the three options, only density1Opt plan gave clinically acceptable result in terms of target coverage and maximum dose. The airOpt plan gave exceedingly higher dose and excessive dose coverage for the target volume whereas noAirOpt plan gave underdose for the shifted CTV. Therefore, for prostate IMRT plan, having an air region in the PTV, density modification of the included air to the value of one, is suggested, prior to optimization and prescription for the PTV. This idea can be equally applied to any cases including the head and neck cancer with the PTV having the overlapped air region. Further study is being under process.

Research on the Prototype Landscape of Former Donam SeoWon Located in YeonSan (연산 돈암서원(豚巖書院) 구지(舊址)의 원형경관 탐색)

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun;Choi, Jong-Hee;Shin, Sang-Sup;Lee, Won-Ho
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.30 no.4
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    • pp.14-22
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    • 2012
  • The position, size and landscape of the former Donam SeoWon as well as the physical organization of the old site, are studied to extract data for the enhancement of the authenticity of Donam SeoWon since its registration as a world heritage site. The results are as follows. The 'Donam(豚巖)' encaved rock, the tombstone of teacher Sagye(沙溪), Kimjipsadang(金集祠堂), the head of the Gwangsan Kim family, the Sagye stream in front of them, and the Gyeryong and Daedun mountains in the distance are united in the former Donam SeoWon as landscape elements that clearly show the characteristics of the former site, which was called 'Donam-Wollim(豚巖園林).' Moreover Yangseongdangsipyoung(養性堂十詠), adds the garden elements of a medical herb field, twins pond, a bamboo forest, a school, and a peach field. On this site, one can also engage in activities that are related to the land and are closely related to Neo-Confucianism such as fish watching, conferencing, visit in seclusion(訪隱), looking for monks, and overseeing farming. The former site facing east is assumed to have Sau(祠宇) - Eungdodang(凝道堂) - Ipdeokmum(入德門) - Sanangru(山仰樓: estimated). Jeonsacheong seems to have been located to the left of the Sau area, Yangseongdang, which contained upper and lower twin lotus ponds, on the right and was surrounded by various plants. As it has been used as a lecture hall for the past 250 years, the former Donam SeoWon, located 1.8km away from the current area, must be preserved, and the landscape should be formed to establish the authenticity of Donam SeoWon.

Automated patient set-up using intensity based image registration in proton therapy (양성자 치료 시 Intensity 기반의 영상 정합을 이용한 환자 자동화 Set up 적용 방법)

  • Jang, Hoon;Kim, Ho Sik;Choe, Seung Oh;Kim, Eun Suk;Jeong, Jong Hyi;Ahn, Sang Hee
    • The Journal of Korean Society for Radiation Therapy
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    • v.30 no.1_2
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    • pp.97-105
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    • 2018
  • Purpose : Proton Therapy using Bragg-peak, because it has distinct characteristics in providing maximum dosage for tumor and minimal dosage for normal tissue, a medical imaging system that can quantify changes in patient position or treatment area is of paramount importance to the treatment of protons. The purpose of this research is to evaluate the usefulness of the algorithm by comparing the image matching through the set-up and in-house code through the existing dips program by producing a Matlab-based in-house registration code to determine the error value between dips and DRR to evaluate the accuracy of the existing treatment. Materials and Methods : Thirteen patients with brain tumors and head and neck cancer who received proton therapy were included in this study and used the DIPS Program System (Version 2.4.3, IBA, Belgium) for image comparison and the Eclipse Proton Planning System (Version 13.7, Varian, USA) for patient treatment planning. For Validation of the Registration method, a test image was artificially rotated and moved to match the existing image, and the initial set up image of DIPS program of existing set up process was image-matched with plan DRR, and the error value was obtained, and the usefulness of the algorithm was evaluated. Results : When the test image was moved 0.5, 1, and 10 cm in the left and right directions, the average error was 0.018 cm. When the test image was rotated counterclockwise by 1 and $10^{\circ}$, the error was $0.0011^{\circ}$. When the initial images of four patients were imaged, the mean error was 0.056, 0.044, and 0.053 cm in the order of x, y, and z, and 0.190 and $0.206^{\circ}$ in the order of rotation and pitch. When the final images of 13 patients were imaged, the mean differences were 0.062, 0.085, and 0.074 cm in the order of x, y, and z, and 0.120 cm as the vector value. Rotation and pitch were 0.171 and $0.174^{\circ}$, respectively. Conclusion : The Matlab-based In-house Registration code produced through this study showed accurate Image matching based on Intensity as well as the simple image as well as anatomical structure. Also, the Set-up error through the DIPS program of the existing treatment method showed a very slight difference, confirming the accuracy of the proton therapy. Future development of additional programs and future Intensity-based Matlab In-house code research will be necessary for future clinical applications.

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A Study on Superficial Dose of 6MV-FFF in HalcyonTM LINAC: Phantom Study (HalcyonTM 선형가속기 6MV-FFF 에너지의 표재 선량에 대한 고찰: Phantom Study)

  • Choi, Seong Hoon;Um, Ki Cheon;Yoo, Soon Mi;Park, Je Wan;Song, Heung Kwon;Yoon, In Ha
    • The Journal of Korean Society for Radiation Therapy
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    • v.32
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    • pp.31-39
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    • 2020
  • Purpose: The aims of this study were to compare the superficial dose with Optically Stimulated Luminescence Dosimeter(OSLD) measurement and Treatment Planning System(TPS) calculation for 6MV-Flattening Filter Free(FFF) energy using HalcyonTM and TrueBeamTM. Materials and methods: Phantom study was performed using the CT images of human phantom. In the treatment planning system, the Planning Target Volume(PTV) was contoured which is similar to Glottic cancer. Furthermore, Point(M), Point(R), and Point(L) were contoured at the iso-center of head and neck region and 5mm bolus was applied to the body contour. Each treatment plans using 6MV-FFF energy from HalcyonTM and TrueBeamTM with static Intensity Modulated Radiation Therapy(IMRT) and Volumetric Modulated Arc Therapy(VMAT) were established with eclipse. To reproduce the same position as the TPS, OSLDs were placed at the iso-center point and 5mm bolus was applied to compare the error rate after the dose delivery. Result: The results of the study using human phantom are as follows. In case of HalcyonTM, the mean absolute error rates of the point dose using the treatment planning system and the dose measured by OSLD were 1.7%±1.2% for VMAT and 4.0±2.8% for IMRT. Also TrueBeamTM was identified as 2.4±0.4% and 8.6±1.8% respectively for VMAT and IMRT. Conclusion: Through the results of this study, TrueBeamTM confirmed that the average error rate was 2.4 times higher for VMAT and 3.6 times higher for IMRT than HalcyonTM. Therefore, based on the results of this study, If we need a more accurate dose assessment for the superficial dose, It is expected that using HalcyonTM would be better than TrueBeamTM.

Environmental Interpretation on soil mass movement spot and disaster dangerous site for precautionary measures -in Peong Chang Area- (산사태발생지(山沙汰發生地)와 피해위험지(被害危險地)의 환경학적(環境學的) 해석(解析)과 예방대책(豫防對策) -평창지구(平昌地區)를 중심(中心)으로-)

  • Ma, Sang Kyu
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.45 no.1
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    • pp.11-25
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    • 1979
  • There was much mass movement at many different mountain side of Peong Chang area in Kwangwon province by the influence of heavy rainfall through August/4 5, 1979. This study have done with the fact observed through the field survey and the information of the former researchers. The results are as follows; 1. Heavy rainfall area with more than 200mm per day and more than 60mm per hour as maximum rainfall during past 6 years, are distributed in the western side of the connecting line through Hoeng Seong, Weonju, Yeongdong, Muju, Namweon and Suncheon, and of the southern sea side of KeongsangNam-do. The heavy rain fan reason in the above area seems to be influenced by the mouktam range and moving direction of depression. 2. Peak point of heavy rainfall distribution always happen during the night time and seems to cause directly mass movement and serious damage. 3. Soil mass movement in Peongchang break out from the course sandy loam soil of granite group and the clay soil of lime stone and shale. Earth have moved along the surface of both bedrock or also the hardpan in case of the lime stone area. 4. Infiltration seems to be rapid on the both bedrock soil, the former is by the soil texture and the latter is by the crumb structure, high humus content and dense root system in surface soil. 5. Topographic pattern of mass movement spot is mostly the concave slope at the valley head or at the upper part of middle slope which run-off can easily come together from the surrounding slope. Soil profile of mass movement spot has wet soil in the lime stone area and loose or deep soil in the granite area. 6. Dominant slope degree of the soil mass movement site has steep slope, mostly, more than 25 degree and slope position that start mass movement is mostly in the range of the middle slope line to ridge line. 7. Vegetation status of soil mass movement area are mostly fire field agriculture area, it's abandoned grass land, young plantation made on the fire field poor forest of the erosion control site and non forest land composed mainly grass and shrubs. Very rare earth sliding can be found in the big tree stands but mostly from the thin soil site on the un-weatherd bed rock. 8. Dangerous condition of soil mass movement and land sliding seems to be estimated by the several environmental factors, namely, vegetation cover, slope degree, slope shape and position, bed rock and soil profile characteristics etc. 9. House break down are mostly happen on the following site, namely, colluvial cone and fan, talus, foot area of concave slope and small terrace or colluvial soil between valley and at the small river side Dangerous house from mass movement could be interpreted by the aerial photo with reference of the surrounding site condition of house and village in the mountain area 10. As a counter plan for the prevention of mass movement damage the technics of it's risk diagnosis and the field survey should be done, and the mass movement control of prevention should be started with the goverment support as soon as possible. The precautionary measures of house and village protection from mass movement damage should be made and executed and considered the protecting forest making around the house and village. 11. Dangerous or safety of house and village from mass movement and flood damage will be indentified and informed to the village people of mountain area through the forest extension work. 12. Clear cutting activity on the steep granite site, fire field making on the steep slope, house or village construction on the dangerous site and fuel collection in the eroded forest or the steep forest land should be surely prohibited When making the management plan the mass movement, soil erosion and flood problem will be concidered and also included the prevention method of disaster.

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A Study on the Basic Planning of the Nam-Hae Sin-Sa Architecture (남해신사 기본계획에 따른 신당건축 고찰)

  • Kim, Sang Tae;Jang, Hun Duc
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.42 no.2
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    • pp.62-85
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    • 2009
  • The Nam-Hae Sin-sa, the South Sea shrine in Yeong-Am, Korea was a national institution for public peace and bliss, was excavated in 2000, and the shrine and the 3-way-gate were reconstructed in 2001. Hae Sin-sa, the Sea shrine is a place for religious service separated into the Nam-Hae Sin-sa, the Dong-Hae Myo, and the Seo-Hae Dan. The Dong-Hae Myo was reconstructed, but restored shrine and 3-way-gate of the Nam-Hae Sin-sa is not perfect in comparison with excavation plan in 2000, therefore new reconstruction was researched through the related literature, the analysis of historical maps and excavation results, the interview with the concerned people and the case study. This research defines the analysis of the Plan of the Nam-Hae Sin-sa Reconstruction as follows. 1. The Nam-Hae Sin-sa was the institution for religious service operated by national direct management, represents the shrine for public peace and bliss on the Mountain, the Sea, and the River. Especially the Nam-Hae Sin-sa had an important position on the pivot of international trade with China and Japan, and had a role of main shrine with another one in the Mt. Ji-ri San. 2. The name of the Sea shrine was called as Nam-Hae Sin-sa(the South Sea shrine), Dong-Hae Myo(the East Sea shrine), Seo-Hae Dan(the West Sea shrine). But the name of the South Sea shrine had changed in the early period of Chosun as Nam-Hae Sin-sa to the later Chosun as Nam-Hae Dang through the research of related literature and historical map. Such as the Seo-Hae Dan, it was constructed for the Dan, the flat raised-floor without buildings, and changed to the type of Sa-Dang with addition of buildings. 3. The historical map of Hae Sin-sa informs the types of the roof, the Mat-bae roof was used in the Dong-Hae Myo, but the Pal-jak roof was showed in the Seo-Hae Dan and the Nam-Hae Sin-sa. 4. According to the analysis of Yong-Ch'uck the unit length, Nam-Hae Sin-sa was reconstructed in the period of Koryo on large scale, but it was restored in the Chosun on middle scale. And the Unit of Yong Ch'uck was changed into Yeong-jo Ch'uck in the period of Chosun. 5. As the results, The Plan of the Nam-Hae Sin-sa Reconstruction designed the new shrine into the 3 Kan front and the 2 Kan side with 3:2 scale. An-ch'o-gong with Yong-du and Yong Mi the ornaments represents head and tail of dragon, the Un-gong and the ornament of Pa-ryun-dae-gong in the building, and the Ch'ung-ryang of the Yong-du show the image of the institution for religious service for the god of the sea who look like dragon. The inner gate building and the main entrance were designed as same plan and scale as Hyang-gyo, the Korean Traditional School and Shrine of Confucianism, on the basis of results of excavation. Raise the 3-tall gate of the main entrance with harmony of the scale and the shape, because the side of gate building has the Mat-bae roof. 6. This research shows that Plan of the Nam-Hae Sin-sa Reconstruction is composed into shrine space and reservation space from the main entrance to inner gate and shrine like Jung-ak Dan in the Mt. Gye-ryong San, and it also informs the well in the west side of Sin-sa is an important factor of the plan of shrine architecture.

The Establishment of Seongjusa Temple and the Production of Iron Buddhas (성주사 창건과 철불 조성 연구)

  • Kang Kunwoo
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.104
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    • pp.10-39
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    • 2023
  • Seongjusa Temple was founded in Boryeong in Chungcheongnam-do Province by Monk Muyeom (800-888), better known as Nanghye Hwasang. After returning from studying in China, Muyeom stayed in the Silla capital city of Gyeongju for a period. He later settled in a temple that was managed by the descendants of Kim In-mun (629-694). He then restored a burned-out temple and opened it in 847 as a Seon (Zen) temple named Seongjusa. It prospered and grew to become a large-scale temple with several halls within its domains. The influence of Seongjusa in the region can be seen in the Historical Record of Seongjusa Temple on Sungamsan Mountain, which relates that there were seventy-three rooms within the domains of the temple. What is most notable in the record is that the temple is referred to as "栴檀林九間," which means either "a structure with nine rooms built with Chinese juniper wood" or "a place that houses Chinese juniper wood and has nine rooms." Regardless of the interpretation, Seongjusa Temple had a large amount of juniper wood. Around this time, the term "juniper" referred to the olibanum tree (Boswellia sacra) native to the islands of Java and Sumatra in Southeast Asia. It is presumed that at some point after the death of Jang Bogo, the maritime forces that controlled the southwestern coast of Korea may have acquired a large amount of Southeast Asian olibanum wood and offered it to Seongjusa Temple. During the reign of King Munseong, Kim Yang (808-857) patronized Seongjusa Temple and its head monk Muyeom, who enjoyed a lofty reputation in the region. He sought to strengthen his own position as a member of the royal lineage of King Muyeol and create a bridge between the royal family and Seongjusan Buddhist sect. The court of King Wonseong designated Seongjusa Temple as a regional base for the support of royal authority in an area where anti-royal sentiment remained strong. Monk Muyeom is believed to have created an iron Buddha to protect the temple, enlighten the people, and promote regional stability. Given that the Seongjusa community had expanded to include more than 2,000 followers, the iron Buddha at Seongjusa Temple would have been perceived as an image that rallied the local residents. It is assumed that there were two iron Buddhas at Seongjusa Temple. The surviving parts of these Buddhas and the size of their pedestals suggest that they were respectively enshrined in the Geumdang Main Hall and the Samcheonbuljeon Hall of Three Thousand Buddhas. It is presumed that the first iron Buddha in Geumdang was a large statue over two meters in height and the second one was medium-sized with the height over one meter. The Historical Record of Seongjusa Temple on Sungamsan Mountain contains the phrase "改創選法堂五層重閣" which indicates that a multistoried Geumdang was newly built to enshrine a large Buddha sculpture like the first iron Buddha when Seongjusa Temple was founded. Also, according to the Stele of Seongjusa Temple and the surviving finger fragments, the first Buddha was making the fear-not and wish-granting (abhayavarada) mudras. The main Buddha of Seongjusa Temple is possibly Nosana Buddha, just like the main Buddhas at the contemporaneous temples Silsangsa, Borimsa, and Samhwasa. Given that Monk Muyeom studied Hwaeom teachings in his early years and received royal patronage upon his return, it is believed that the retro tendencies of the Hwaeom school, centered on the royal family of the Silla Dynasty, were reflected in Seongjusa temple.

A Review Examining the Dating, Analysis of the Painting Style, Identification of the Painter, and Investigation of the Documentary Records of Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple (용주사(龍珠寺) <삼세불회도(三世佛會圖)> 연구의 연대 추정과 양식 분석, 작가 비정, 문헌 해석의 검토)

  • Kang, Kwanshik
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.97
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    • pp.14-54
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    • 2020
  • The overall study of Samsaebulhoedo (painting of the Assembly of Buddhas of Three Ages) at Yongjusa Temple has focused on dating it, analyzing the painting style, identifying its painter, and scrutinizing the related documents. However, its greater coherence could be achieved through additional support from empirical evidence and logical consistency. Recent studies on Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple that postulate that the painting could have been produced by a monk-painter in the late nineteenth century and that an original version produced in 1790 could have been retouched by a painter in the 1920s using a Western painting style lack such empirical proof and logic. Although King Jeongjo's son was not yet installed as crown prince, the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple contained a conventional written prayer wishing for a long life for the king, queen, and crown prince: "May his majesty the King live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). Later, this phrase was erased using cinnabar and revised to include unusual content in an exceptional order: "May his majesty the King live long / May his highness the King's Affectionate Mother (Jagung) live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 慈宮邸下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). A comprehensive comparison of the formats and contents in written prayers found on late Joseon Buddhist paintings and a careful analysis of royal liturgy during the reign of King Jeongjo reveal Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple to be an original version produced at the time of the founding of Yongjusa Temple in 1790. According to a comparative analysis of formats, iconography, styles, aesthetic sensibilities, and techniques found in Buddhist paintings and paintings by Joseon court painters from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple bears features characteristic of paintings produced around 1790, which corresponds to the result of analysis on the written prayer. Buddhist paintings created up to the early eighteenth century show deities with their sizes determined by their religious status and a two-dimensional conceptual composition based on the traditional perspective of depicting close objects in the lower section and distant objects above. This Samsaebulhoedo, however, systematically places the Buddhist deities within a threedimensional space constructed by applying a linear perspective. Through the extensive employment of chiaroscuro as found in Western painting, it expresses white highlights and shadows, evoking a feeling that the magnificent world of the Buddhas of the Three Ages actually unfolds in front of viewers. Since the inner order of a linear perspective and the outer illusion of chiaroscuro shading are intimately related to each other, it is difficult to believe that the white highlights were a later addition. Moreover, the creative convergence of highly-developed Western painting style and techniques that is on display in this Samsaebulhoedo could only have been achieved by late-Joseon court painters working during the reign of King Jeongjo, including Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin. Deungun, the head monk of Yongjusa Temple, wrote Yongjusa sajeok (History of Yongjusa Temple) by compiling the historical records on the temple that had been transmitted since its founding. In Yongjusa sajeok, Deungun recorded that Kim Hongdo painted Samsaebulhoedo as if it were a historical fact. The Joseon royal court's official records, Ilseongnok (Daily Records of the Royal Court and Important Officials) and Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok (Suwon Construction Records), indicate that Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin all served as a supervisor (gamdong) for the production of Buddhist paintings. Since within Joseon's hierarchical administrative system it was considered improper to allow court painters of government position to create Buddhist paintings which had previously been produced by monk-painters, they were appointed as gamdong in name only to avoid a political liability. In reality, court painters were ordered to create Buddhist paintings. During their reigns, King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo summoned the literati painters Jo Yeongseok and Kang Sehwang to serve as gamdong for the production of royal portraits and requested that they paint these portraits as well. Thus, the boundary between the concept of supervision and that of painting occasionally blurred. Supervision did not completely preclude painting, and a gamdong could also serve as a painter. In this light, the historical records in Yongjusa sajeok are not inconsistent with those in Ilseongnok, Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok, and a prayer written by Hwang Deok-sun, which was found inside the canopy in Daeungjeon Hall at Yongjusa Temple. These records provided the same content in different forms as required for their purposes and according to the context. This approach to the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple will lead to a more coherent explanation of dating the painting, analyzing its style, identifying its painter, and interpreting the relevant documents based on empirical grounds and logical consistency.

Broadening the Understanding of Sixteenth-century Real Scenery Landscape Painting: Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion (16세기(十六世紀) 실경산수화(實景山水畫) 이해의 확장 : <경포대도(鏡浦臺圖)>, <총석정도(叢石亭圖)>를 중심으로)

  • Lee, Soomi
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.96
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    • pp.18-53
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    • 2019
  • The paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were recently donated to the National Museum of Korea and unveiled to the public for the first time at the 2019 special exhibition "Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea." These two paintings carry significant implications for understanding Joseon art history. Because the fact that they were components of a folding screen produced after a sightseeing tour of the Gwandong regions in 1557 has led to a broadening of our understanding of sixteenth-century landscape painting. This paper explores the art historical meanings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion by examining the contents in the two paintings, dating them, analyzing their stylistic characteristics, and comparing them with other works. The production background of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion can be found in the colophon of Chongseokjeong Pavilion. According to this writing, Sangsanilro, who is presumed to be Park Chung-gan (?-1601) in this paper, and Hong Yeon(?~?) went sightseeing around Geumgangsan Mountain (or Pungaksan Mountain) and the Gwandong region in the spring of 1557, wrote a travelogue, and after some time produced a folding screen depicting several famous scenic spots that they visited. Hong Yeon, whose courtesy name was Deokwon, passed the special civil examination in 1551 and has a record of being active until 1584. Park Chung-gan, whose pen name was Namae, reported the treason of Jeong Yeo-rip in 1589. In recognition of this meritorious deed, he was promoted to the position of Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Punishments, rewarded with the title of first-grade pyeongnan gongsin(meritorious subject who resolved difficulties), and raised to Lord of Sangsan. Based on the colophon to Chongseokjeong Pavilion, I suggest that the two paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were painted in the late sixteenth century, more specifically after 1557 when Park Chung-gan and Hong Yeon went on their sightseeing trip and after 1571 when Park, who wrote the colophon, was in his 50s or over. The painting style used in depicting the landscapes corresponds to that of the late sixteenth century. The colophon further states that Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were two paintings of a folding screen. Chongseokjeong Pavilion with its colophon is thought to have been the final panel of this screen. The composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion recalls the onesided three-layered composition often used in early Joseon landscape paintings in the style of An Gyeon. However, unlike such landscape paintings in the An Gyeon style, Gyeongpodae Pavilion positions and depicts the scenery in a realistic manner. Moreover, diverse perspectives, including a diagonal bird's-eye perspective and frontal perspective, are employed in Gyeongpodae Pavilion to effectively depict the relations among several natural features and the characteristics of the real scenery around Gyeongpodae Pavilion. The shapes of the mountains and the use of moss dots can be also found in Welcoming an Imperial Edict from China and Chinese Envoys at Uisungwan Lodge painted in 1557 and currently housed in the Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University. Furthermore, the application of "cloud-head" texture strokes as well as the texture strokes with short lines and dots used in paintings in the An Gyeon style are transformed into a sense of realism. Compared to the composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which recalls that of traditional Joseon early landscape painting, the composition of Chongseokjeong Pavilion is remarkably unconventional. Stone pillars lined up in layers with the tallest in the center form a triangle. A sense of space is created by dividing the painting into three planes(foreground, middle-ground, and background) and placing the stone pillars in the foreground, Saseonbong Peaks in the middle-ground, and Saseonjeong Pavilion on the cliff in the background. The Saseonbong Peaks in the center occupy an overwhelming proportion of the picture plane. However, the vertical stone pillars fail to form an organic relation and are segmented and flat. The painter of Chongseokjeong Pavilion had not yet developed a three-dimensional or natural spatial perception. The white lower and dark upper portions of the stone pillars emphasize their loftiness. The textures and cracks of the dense stone pillars were rendered by first applying light ink to the surfaces and then adding fine lines in dark ink. Here, the tip of the brush is pressed at an oblique angle and pulled down vertically, which shows an early stage of the development of axe-cut texture strokes. The contrast of black and white and use of vertical texture strokes signal the forthcoming trend toward the Zhe School painting style. Each and every contour and crack on the stone pillars is unique, which indicates an effort to accentuate their actual characteristics. The birds sitting above the stone pillars, waves, and the foam of breaking waves are all vividly described, not simply in repeated brushstrokes. The configuration of natural features shown in the above-mentioned Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion changes in other later paintings of the two scenic spots. In the Gyeongpodae Pavilion, Jukdo Island is depicted in the foreground, Gyeongpoho Lake in the middle-ground, and Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Odaesan Mountain in the background. This composition differs from the typical configuration of other Gyeongpodae Pavilion paintings from the eighteenth century that place Gyeongpodae Pavilion in the foreground and the sea in the upper section. In Chongseokjeong Pavilion, stone pillars are illustrated using a perspective viewing them from the sea, while other paintings depict them while facing upward toward the sea. These changes resulted from the established patterns of compositions used in Jeong Seon(1676~1759) and Kim Hong-do(1745~ after 1806)'s paintings of Gwandong regions. However, the configuration of the sixteenth-century Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which seemed to have no longer been used, was employed again in late Joseon folk paintings such as Gyeongpodae Pavilion in Gangneung. Famous scenic spots in the Gwandong region were painted from early on. According to historical records, they were created by several painters, including Kim Saeng(711~?) from the Goryeo Dynasty and An Gyeon(act. 15th C.) from the early Joseon period, either on a single scroll or over several panels of a folding screen or several leaves of an album. Although many records mention the production of paintings depicting sites around the Gwandong region, there are no other extant examples from this era beyond the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion discussed in this paper. These two paintings are thought to be the earliest works depicting the Gwandong regions thus far. Moreover, they hold art historical significance in that they present information on the tradition of producing folding screens on the Gwandong region. In particular, based on the contents of the colophon written for Chongseokjeong Pavilion, the original folding screen is presumed to have consisted of eight panels. This proves that the convention of painting eight views of Gwangdong had been established by the late sixteenth century. All of the existing works mentioned as examples of sixteenth-century real scenery landscape painting show only partial elements of real scenery landscape painting since they were created as depictions of notable social gatherings or as a documentary painting for practical and/or official purposes. However, a primary objective of the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion was to portray the ever-changing and striking nature of this real scenery. Moreover, Park Chung-gan wrote a colophon and added a poem on his admiration of the scenery he witnessed during his trip and ruminated over the true character of nature. Thus, unlike other previously known real-scenery landscape paintings, these two are of great significance as examples of real-scenery landscape paintings produced for the simple appreciation of nature. Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion are noteworthy in that they are the earliest remaining examples of the historical tradition of reflecting a sightseeing trip in painting accompanied by poetry. Furthermore, and most importantly, they broaden the understanding of Korean real-scenery landscape painting by presenting varied forms, compositions, and perspectives from sixteenth-century real-scenery landscape paintings that had formerly been unfound.