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A Study on the Traditional Planting Prototype of Haengdan(杏壇) and Natural Monumental Value of Ginkgo Tree in Sejong-ri (전통재식 행단(杏壇)의 원형과 세종리 은행나무의 천연기념물적 가치 연구)

  • Shin, Hyun-Sil;Choi, Byoung-Ki
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.38 no.1
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    • pp.36-44
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    • 2020
  • This study analyzed the Planting Prototype of Haengdan(杏壇)is the One of the traditional planting techniques and the value of natural monument plant and derived the value of the ginkgo tree in Sejong-ri as a natural monument. The results are as follows; First, ginkgo trees have high environmental adaptability, practicality and visual value. There were also many ginkgo trees that were deeply related to Confucian and Buddhist ideas. Ginkgo trees accounted for the largest portion of the number of old tree designated as natural monuments in recognition of their value. Second, after analyzing the historical and cultural values of ginkgo trees, ginkgo trees became the place of gardens and buildings by symbolizing Confucius(孔子)' Confucian ideas. In Buddhism, it was related to the creation of temples or the achievements of ancient monks. The people had a symbol of the prosperity of their offspring and the succession of the family. Third, in 1024 gongdobo, the grandson of Confucius, rebuilt the shrine, installed the platform in the central position and planted ginkgo trees. It originated from what he called "the "haengdan(杏壇)." The tree was then recorded as "heungheang(紅杏)" which was written by Wang Jae-jin's poetry during the Ming Dynasty. Thus it was misused as apricot tree. The cause of this is due to the same kanji reading. or it can be seen as influence on the taoism. But Korea has been sticking to the use of the first ginkgo trees. Forth, biologically, the Sejong-ri ginkgo tree is characterized by the composition of a pair of male trees. The landscape is contrasted with the twisted male tree and vertical female trees. In addition, in terms of authenticity and integrity, the relationship between Admiral Im, Nan-Su(林蘭秀) of the Goryeo Dynasty and the ginkgo tree is found in various literature.

Why Won't the Field Wall Collapse in the Typhoon? : Mathematical Approach to Non-orthogonal Symmetric Weighted Hadamard Matrix I (밭담은 태풍에 왜 안 무너지나?: 비직교 대칭 하중 아다마르 행렬에 의한 수학적 접근 I)

  • Lee, Moon-Ho;Kim, Jeong-Su
    • The Journal of the Institute of Internet, Broadcasting and Communication
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    • v.19 no.5
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    • pp.211-217
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    • 2019
  • The three major inventions of Jeju include the field wall of Kim Koo Pan Gwan in 1234, Jeongnang in the custom of grazing the people of Jeju, and Olleh in the tomb of Munbang-gui in 1406. Field wall, Oedam from the stone and the stone of numerical play, made Koendang, a friendship society. Even with a typhoon that is more than 30m/s, the Koendang which is about 1.5m high, will not collapse. Similarly, the main family networks of Jeju society do not collapse under any difficulties situation. When building a field wall, two stones, which are under the ground, are placed side by side, and the upper left stone is placed on top and the upper right stone is attached regularly. One stone or two stone is attached from the bottom to the top, and when a stone is small or large, a flat field is formed in one space. The Family networks is close to the grandfather, grandmother, father, mother, and me, and the distant kin represents a horizontal relationship. The field wall is a vertical relationship that builds up from bottom to top of the vertical relation, while the Koendang is a horizontal relationship where blood is distributed to the grandson of his upper grandparents. This paper proves by a non-orthogonal symmetric weighted Hadamard matrix of whether the stone in the middle of a field wall has large stones (small).

Study on production of visionary drawings with 『Oksogo(玉所稿)』 (『옥소고(玉所稿)』 소재(所載) 몽화(夢畵)의 제작(製作)에 대한 연구(硏究))

  • Choi, Ho-suk
    • Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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    • no.28
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    • pp.113-142
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    • 2008
  • The purpose of this script is to understand general issues related to production of visionary drawing and correct the fault of previous research by examining the data on visionary drawing featured on Ok So Kwon-Seop's anthology, "Oksogo(玉所稿)" the summary of its contents are as follows. First by analyzing the status of visionary drawings, in among "Oksogo(玉所稿)" which is Ok So's manuscript collection, there are 56 pieces in Je Chun Bon (edition) and 47 in Moon Kyoung Bon(edition). And recorded dreams in visionary drawings are centralized when Ok So was in his late 50's to 70's. And it is estimated that the visionary drawings are the collection of work done by many artists in long period of time. It was confirmed that Kwon Seop himself did not participated in drawings but were done by his brother Kwon Young, his grandson Kwon Shin Eung and Cho Se Gul, the artist from Pyoung Yang. Also visionary drawings were produced in youth years and among the visionary drawings that can be ascertain about the produced year and the oldest is by Cho Se Gul which was estimated to be done in 1695. And the last one to be completed was which was a dream in 1756 turned into a drawing and this was produced between 1756 to 1759 which was a year Ok So passed away. Production of Ki Seung Chup (album) or Mong-Wha Chup (album) was accomplished as follows. When Ok So records his dream in writing he receives response poem from a person he was in dream with and ask artist to draw the vision in dream, then the drawing and scripts were compiled and made into an album. With this some of the issues on visionary drawings featured on "Oksogo(玉所稿)" would have been settled. Recently, 2 more volumes of Ok So's anthology were photo-printed and published and hopefully those issues that was unable to settle in this script will have more detailed answers by discovering new and undisclosed data.

Does a Blepharospasm mean the Presymptom of Stroke? (안검경련(眼瞼痙攣)을 중풍 전조증상이라 할 수 있는가?)

  • Jung, Ki-yong;Go, Ho-yeon;Jeong, Seung-min;Hsia, Yu-chun;Jew, Jae-hong;Jung, Hee;Choi, You-kyung;Kim, Dong-woo;Han, Chang-ho;Ko, Seung-gyu;Cho, Ki-ho;Park, Jong-hyung;Jun, Chan-yong
    • The Journal of the Society of Stroke on Korean Medicine
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    • v.7 no.1
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    • pp.46-53
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    • 2006
  • Objectives : The purposes of this study were to investigate that a blepharospasm means the presymptom of stroke based on the traditional hypothesis in the oriental medicine and to compare a blepharospasm with warning signs of stroke in the western medicine. Methods : In the time period Oct. 2005 to Oct. 2006, 409 patients with a first-ever stroke admitted in the department of Internal Medicine of Kyungwon University In-cheon Oriental Medical Hospital, Kyunghee University Oriental Medical Hospital, Dongguk Il-san Oriental Medical Hospital were included. Patients were hospitalized within 14 days after the onset of stroke. Stroke patients were interviewed by residents who studied standard operation procedures in Fundamental Study for Standardization and Objectification of Differentiation and Pattern Identification of Syndrome of Oriental Medicine for Stroke. A questionnaire was completed by a question-and-answer form between patients and residents after explanation details to patients and the agreement of patients. Results : Age, care of patients or grandson, diabetes mellitus, and smoking were higher among cerebral infarction group, while smoking was higher among hemorrhage group. Female, young age, hyperlipidemia, hypertension in the family history and fat body in waist-hip ratio were higher among patients undergoing the blepharospasm before stroke onset. And the incidence of blepharospasm was lower in patients who dislike the fast food. Finally, when we compared a blepharospasm with warning signs of stroke in the western medicine, the incidence of blepharospasm in this study were the most frequent. Conclusion : In this study, the incidence of blepharospasm in patients before stroke onset was more frequent than that of warning signs in the western medicine. But more data from prospective cohort studies should be collected to be accepted that the blepharospasm is the presymptom of stroke as like warning signs in the western medicine.

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A study on ceremonial costume and Confucianism is Chosun Dynasty - Focusing on Men's Po - (조선시대(朝鮮時代) 유교사상(儒敎思想)과 의예복연구(儀禮服硏究) - 남자(男子) 포(袍)를 중심(中心)으로 -)

  • Lee, Sun-Jae
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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    • v.16
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    • pp.221-229
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    • 1991
  • This thesis aims at reviewing the wearing aspect and formation of Chosun ceremonial dresses for meal and finding out the thought reflected by them from the standpoint that dresses themselves should be taken as one of the phenomena in culture. That is men's ceremonial costumes and confucian costumes of the royal family and the gentry family in Chosun is reviewed focused on the formation and the wearing aspect of Po, Which is a kind of them. And in the context of the phase of the times. I also considered the thoughts reflected on the clothes such as confucianism, Ying & Yang Theory, and the symbol and the thoughts of patterns in relation to the clothes. Confucian influence was the main force for the Chosun prohibitions for clothes. The major reasons for the prohibitions for clothes were as follows. First, they reflected confucian Chung myoung chooui(the principle that everything should be where it belongs). That is the prohibitions for clothes were used in the means to maintain feudalistic social order. influenced by social rank system. Second, they reflected confucian ethics in the means to recover social disciplines with the maintenance of traditional customs. This shows well in the restriction of luxurious items in dressing included the prohibitions for clothes. Third, they reflected Chosun's toadysm toward China. With the influx of Chinese style of dressing then government even changed the style of uniforms for public officials into that of Chinese resulting in dual styles of dressing. Ying & Yan Theory greatly affected the colors of Korean clothes and reflected toadysm toward China. too. The theory was embodied by prohibition of such colors for clothes as white, gray, and jade green. I reviewed the twelve patterns on Myunpok, Ten-Longivity patterns and Four-Gracious plants patterns in order to analyze the symbolism and thoughts of patterns for clothes. Nansam, Dopo, and Shimui worn by confucian scholars ensures that those clothes bears confucianism and philosopical factors. As shimui was worn by many people it appears in Chosun scholars' studies and a Chinese book called "Yeki". I reviewed the origin, procession, and ornaments of four ceremonial clothes and tried to find out the confucianism in them. First, In Kwanrei (the coming-of-age ceremony) remained ancestor worship and respect for manners. The clothes for this ceremony granted the rights and responsibilities of and adult to the wearer. The royal Kwanreipok had different dresses for each rank. As Samgapok, the crown prince wore Iksunkwan and Konryongpo for the first ritual, Wonryukwan and Kangsapo for the second, and Myunrukwan and Konpok for the third. The rank of the King's grandson was lower than the crown prince's. This example shows that Chosun people respected manners and thought the basic confucianism "God and people are equal." at the Royal court. Second, as Honreipok(wedding gown), the crown prince wore Myunrukwan and Konpok for Daereipok, Wonyukwan and Kangsapo for Napjing and Tongwoo, and Iksunkwan and Konryongpo for Chekbinui. But common people were allowed to wear an official outfit only for wedding in the means of congratulation on the most important day of their life. Wedding gowns which reflected Ying and Yang Theory emphasized the thought that union of a man and a wife is the most important event in life. Third, Sangrei(funeral) was the last ritual of a human being to send off the deceased. The mourning dresses expressed lamentation of the people left behind. Five-Dress-System for each the relative degree of familarity showed the solemnity and formality, which represented the formality of confucianism and ancestor worship. I reviewed the mourning dresses by dividing them into royal, Yangban's, and commons. They were featured by the fact that there was only one style for every walk of life. It is construed that anyone in mourning can wear the same clothes since he feels the same way regardless of his social rank. Fourth, Chereipok(sacrificial rite dresses) had different styles for each social rank. The King wore Myunpok(Kuryumyun and Kujangpok) were recorded to be worn first in the fourth year of King Taecho's ruling. The crown prince wore Palryumyun and Chiljangpok for sacrificial rite dress which was finally settled when King Sejong was in power. Common people wore Dopo, Shimui for the rite dress in the beginning of the Chosun Era and wore Dopo after Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592. In conclusion, confucianism played the main role in ceremonial dress system of Chosun and that was because it emphasized the ethics of action in life, which was different from other religions. It is true that cause-oriented thoughts and Chung myoung chooui in confucianism drove all ceremonies to extreme manners, discriminating the people who belonged to the lower social rank, and resulting in extremly luxurious life style. However, they also created a unique trend and clothes culture in the Chosun Era. I wish that this thesis provieds important information and direction for furthur studies in the future.

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A Study on the Persons Enjoying the Landscape of Daegodea in Hamyang and Space Hegemony through Analysis of Poetry and Letters Carved on the Rocks (시문과 바위글씨로 본 함양 대고대(大孤臺)의 경관 향유자와 장소패권(場所覇權))

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun;Lee, Jung-Han
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.32 no.1
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    • pp.10-21
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    • 2014
  • This study focuses on the landscape of Daegodae(大孤臺), a prominent rock placed at the side of Namgae Stream in Hamyang, and the person who enjoy the landscape. Through the analysis of the letters such as names carved on the rocks based on ancient poetry and stone walls, the study examines the characteristics of the landscape and the space of Daegodae and the phase of hegemony to enjoy the landscape and space. The result of this study is as follow.2) There are 5 Seowon(書院: lecture halls) nearby Daegodae identified in the ancient map has 5 auditoriums nearby, and three-dimensional volume and eccentricity of the Daegodae is impressive. Daegodae, named by Noh Jin(1518~1578) in 16th century, was used in a variety of ways, including viewing, game, recreation, and meeting, by the staff of the lecture halls including Namgae Seowon(南溪書院), as a result of analyzing the ancient document Go-dae-il-Loc(孤臺日錄) written by Jung Kyung-Woon(鄭慶雲: 1556~?). The structure of Daegodae is that there is Chunggeunchung(淸近亭) on the rock face of the top and Sanangjae(山仰齋) to the west around the memorial stone for Yang Hee(梁喜: 1515~1581). The upper part of the foundation of Daegodae with 11m high and $10m^2$ wide to the east and west was widely used for lecturing and poetry reading. To the north and west of the foundation were the writing of Kim Jeong-Hee(金正喜: 1786~1856) with the words 'Seoksong Chusa(石松 秋史)' carved on the rock and the remains of a dead tree that is presumed to have been called as 'Seoksong'. They are the landscapes that further enhance the history and authenticity of this place. The two kinds of letters carved on the rock 'Daegodae Gaeeunseo(大高臺 介隱書)' and 'Mukheon JungGeunSang(鄭近相: 1893~1934)' were recorded each by Jung Jae-Gi(1811~1879) and his grandson Jung Geun-Sang, which are, as the outcome of exclusive space possession and space hegemony, the signatures indicating that they were the persons who enjoyed this place during the late Joseon and Japanese colonial era. In other words, Daegodae had some implied meaning of preoccupancy of the place as Gujolyangseonsengjangguso since the middle of Joseon, and the place was passed down as a buddhism lecturing and memorial venue called "Dungbukganghoiso Cheonryungjaeseonhyunjangguso" after going through the space hegemony of Jung Jae-Gi and Jung Geun-Sang during the late Joseon and Japanese colonial era each, Nevertheless, a number of letters carved on the rock identified also imply that 'Hadong Jung(河東鄭氏)' and 'Pungcheon Noh(豊川盧氏)' were those who enjoyed the landscape of Daegodae and the center of the space hegemony. The "letters carved on the rock of Daegudae" is another case of cultural landscape and traditional gardening space that serves as the representation of the will of enjoying the landscape in this place and the history of space hegemony.

History of Guard System during the Period of Military Rule in the Goryeo Dynasty (고려 무신집권기 호위제도의 경호학적 고찰)

  • Lee, Sung-Jin;Cho, Sung-Jin
    • Korean Security Journal
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    • no.34
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    • pp.233-258
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    • 2013
  • In the early days of the Goryeo Dynasty, the royal guard was comprised of the central regular army in the 2-gun-6-wi system, and Nasungeomgun was in charge of the security inside the palace. However, the military system became disorganized during the period of military rule and the royal guard had to rely on military subjects. The military officials suppressed the civil ministers centering on Jungbang, the guarding organization close to the King to incapacitate the royal authority and control the state affairs. When the rule of the three leaders of the military rule became short-lived and Dae-seung Gyeong is raised to the ruler, he organized a do-or-die squad comprised of a hundred and more people for his personal safety, and this became the first dobang. Dobang was disassembled after Dae-seung Gyeong died of disease, but under the rule of Chung-heon Choe, Dae-seung Gyeong's dobang was revived and reinforced into 'Yukbeon Dobang' to provide the ruler with personal protection and intensify the ruling system, and it was quite a large organization with more refined system. Yukbeon Dobang was expanded and reinforced into Naeoedobang under the rule of Woo Choe, the son of Chung-heon Choe, and it was enhanced even more into Dobang Samsipyukbeon System under the rule of the grandson, Hang Choe. Dobang can be considered as the guard organization in modern sense, and it collected information and surveyed the area where guarding is required and house troops that belonged to Naedobang eliminated the risks that may follow afterwards to make assurance doubly sure for guarding. The Choe's regime established Mabyeolcho as a private guard organization in addition to dobang, and this formed the cavalry and infantry units with dobang. Yabyeolcho organized by Woo Choe in the reign of King Gojong was divided into Joabyeolcho and Ubyeolcho, and later Sineuigun was integrated with them to form Sambyeolcho. Originally, Yabyeolcho was established under the rule of Woo Choe to prevent crime in the evening, but after Sineuigun was organized with the ones who were captured by Mongolian army but escaped, in other words when Sambyeolcho was organized, the organization displayed much broader influence by covering military and police affairs as well as punishment and imprisonment. The guarding organization during the Period of Military Rule in the Goryeo Dynasty did not have strict distinction between official guard and personal guard. The private guard in modern days which is the equivalent of personal guard is characterized by its commerciality, however, house troops and the members of dobang did not seem to pursued profit. The guard organization during the period of military rule started from dobang which was organized for personal safety but gradually developed publicness through the participation of civil ministers and expansion, and later it played the pivotal role for social security serving official purpose up to the level where the distinction between official and private activities was blurred during the period of Sambyeolcho.

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A Study on Ancestral Service Preparation and Sacrificial Consciousness of Housekeepers Living in Pusan and Yeosu Area (부산지역과 전남 여수지역 주부들의 제례준비 및 제례의식 조사 연구)

  • 정복미;정해옥;김은실
    • Culinary science and hospitality research
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    • v.10 no.3
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    • pp.135-154
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    • 2004
  • This study surveyed ancestral service preparation and sacrificial consciousness of housewives living in Pusan and Yeosu area. Statistical analysis of chi-square test was carried out by using SAS program. The results are summarized as follows. l. In major general characteristics of subjects, the forties(35.56%), Buddhism (57.79%), high school education(52.54%), a couple with children(63.45%) were the most abundant. 2. The time of sacrificial rites in both areas was usually hold from 23:00 to 01:00 (47.16%). The housewives having a job hold earlier the service than the full-time housewives(p<0.05). 3. The range of ancestor-memorial rites was usually up to 3rd generation(34.47%). The leader of sacrificial ceremony was mainly the eldest grandson by the eldest son (78.28%) in the old subjects and a person of wealth in the young subjects(p<0.05). 4. There were more positive answers for the necessity of a sacrificial ceremony (57.32%). Older than 50 years of subjects thought the sacrificial rites should be held(70.77%), while as the age of subjects was younger, they realized less necessity for that(p<0.05). Sacrificial consciousness was higher in Buddhists than the other religionists(p<0.0001). The sacrificial rites was thought to be needed for their harmonious family(50.43%). Younger subjects thought that it is necessary to succeed that as the tradition, while older housewives thought that it would contribute toward peace in their family(p<0.05). Buddhists and Christians answered that it was good for harmonious family, and Catholics and the others for tradition(p<0.01). Their consideration of sacrificial rites in the future was higher in keeping the traditional practice (37.04%) and Buddhists took higher these consideration(43.17%). Considering the sacrificial consciousness, there were statistical differences among the religionists (p<0.0001). The eldest daughter-in-raw had a different opinion about the following up the method of sacrificial ceremony from second eldest daughter-in-raw and the next one(p<0.05). The housewives in Pusan were showing more the affirmative attitudes to keep the traditional practice than those in Yeosu.

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Achievement of Excavation of Gwiam(Turtle Rock) and Nakseojae Restoration in Bogil-do Yun,Seondo Wonlim (보길도 윤선도원림(명승 제34호) 낙서재지역 원형복원과 귀암(龜巖) 발굴의 성과)

  • Lee, Won-Ho
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.30 no.3
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    • pp.111-120
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    • 2012
  • This study regards a series of achievement on Wonlim(Garden) Cultural Properties Excavation Project, led by field of landscape architecture. It will mainly describe excavation results of Gwiam(龜巖: Turtle rock) and historical value of it in terms of Nakseojae(樂書齋) restoration in Bogil-do Yun,Seondo Wonlim(Scenic Sites, No.34). Gwiam(Turtle rock) was found 14.6m apart from the north of Nakseojae, and it covered with 10~15m topsoil tilted toward Nakseojae, The size of Gwiam, which was Granite, was 360cm length, 270cm width, 95cm high. The Edge of Gwiam's North west part was of triangular shape forming Turtle head. The back of the Turtle head was form of Tortoise-shell because of wide backboard with both side groove. The southeast part of Gwiam projected was Turtle's tail. This Granite was obvious Turtle shape artificially made, and there are less likely to relocate from place to place. This Turtle-shaped Gwiam is important landmark for Nakseojae, which is one of the four spiritual creatures written in Bogildoji(甫吉島識) and Gosanyugo(孤山遺稿) by Yunwi. According to Bogildoji, it is estimated that Gwiam were on the axis with Soeunbyung(小隱屛), Nakseojae and was buried when Yiguan(Gosan's grandson) reconstructed a building. Also, it was place for enjoying the moon. But, Even after three times excavation in Nakseojae, there was no way to identify further information regarding Gwiam, so it was a matter of mystification. As a result of this study, Gwiam is laid bare to light in at least 260 years, so it is good example for boosting importance of landscape architecture field and restoring Nakseojae. Furthermore, firm base-soil was discovered in 135m high Rock Mass below, so natural ground of Nakseojae can be estimated by this basis. To be conclusion, Preservation Process for Gwiam and Estimation Space through interpretation of four spiritual creatures(四靈) in Gosan's Poetry should be continue.

The social historic meaning of Gangneung-Ojukhen in Joseon Dynasty (강릉(江陵) 오죽헌(烏竹軒)의 조선시대 사회사(社會史)적 의미)

  • Lee, Sang Kyun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.48 no.2
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    • pp.64-81
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    • 2015
  • The Treasure No.165 of Ojukhen is a separate house(別堂) which was still remained as a gentry house in the earliest day. The formative aspects have the important meaning as the history of Korean architecture. Specially the place is famous for Shin, Saim-dang(申師任堂) gave birth to Yulgok(栗谷) Yi, I(李珥). The house was built by one's family of Gangneung Choi clan(江陵崔氏) but Son-in-law inherited the house because there was the practice of inheritance by equal distribution and the mother of Shin, Saim-dang, Yongin Lee clan(龍仁李氏) inherited Gwon, Cheo-kyun(權處均) who was her hrandson under the condition of looking after the tomb. The reason why house name was Ojukhen is that Gwon, Cheo-kyun's another name is Ojukhen. Ojukhen is cultural properties which showed the change of practicing inheritance and ancestral rites. Ojukhen has the special relationship of one's grandson and did not have such of immediate family. This is because there were customs husband had to go to married woman's house and live there during short time. Yongin Lee clan and Shin, Saimdang has lived in the Ojukhen. Yongin Lee clan lived there after marrying. Shin Saimdang also spent a time of living her house after marrying and his son(Yi, I) was born in the place. Yi, I spent their time under Yongin Lee clan and one's mother's parents. Therefore he had a good relationship with his maternal grandmother. This is why his maternal grandmother became a descendant offering sacrifice to his ancestors. The reason why Gwon, Chen-kyun looked after the tomb of Yongin Lee clan was also Gwon, Hwa(權和) became sonin-law who lives with his wife's family. Ojukhen is the showcase of finding the marriage and living manage in the early Joseon Dynasty. The most village of Buk-Pyeong(北坪村) in the Gangneung called by Yi, I's one's mother's parents' home. Since after, the place was changed as the clan village immediate family of Andong Kwang clan(安東權氏) of Gwon, Cheokyun of Chumilgong family(樞密公派). After 17C, there were social historic changings focused on relative group. Ojukhen was the start of changing the clan village. Ojukhen is cultural properties which showed inheritance, relative, marriage in the turning point of Joseon Dynasty.