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Overview of Utilization of Four-wheel Tractor in Korea(I) -Ownership and Annual Use by Different Farm Groups- (농용(農用)트랙터 이용(利用)에 관(關)한 조사연구(調査硏究)(I) -경영형태별(經營形態別) 농작업이용실태분석(農作業利用實態分析)-)

  • Park, Ho Seok;Kim, Kyong Su;Lee, Yong Kook;Han, Sung Kum
    • Journal of Biosystems Engineering
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    • v.6 no.2
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    • pp.20-32
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    • 1982
  • This survey was conducted to investigate the present status of farm tractor utilization for obtaining a basic reference to the establishment of the government's agricultural mechanization strategies. Thirty two counties from the eight provinces except Jeju were covered in this study. From these selected areas, 433 sample farms having farm tractor were taken to obtain the general informations by the enquete, and 93 sample farms among them to investigate the status of daily tractor use in the year of 1980. The analyzed results are summarized as follows: 1. Farm tractors owned by the rice-oriented farms holds 71.5 percent of the total number of tractors the livestock-oriented farms 17.0 percent, and the orchard-oriented farms 7.0 percent. Among the farm tractors 64.3 percent was a large size (46ps) and 35.7 percent a small size(19~23ps). 2. Most of the tractors surveyed were equipped with the essential attachments such as plow and rotavator. About 18 percent of the tractor owners had no trailer, which seemed too high considering the large percentage of tractor use for transportation. The availability of other attachments was very low except a grader on the rice-oriented farms and a hay harvester and a front loader on the livestock-oriented farms. 3. The average size of farm was 3.9 hectare for the rice-oriented farms, 13.9 hectare for the livestock-oriented farms and 7.4 hectare for the orchard-oriented farms. It was obious that the average farm size of was too small compared to the theoretical machine capacity of the tractors. 4. About 70 percent of the tractor operators were in the age of twenties and thirties. About 90 percent of them had an educational level of middle school graduate or above even though their technical level was very low. 5. Any particular problem in tractor use was not found in this survey. From the farmer's preference for purchasing a new tractor, however, it is estimated the demand on a 20-30ps tractor will be more increased. 6. The average annual use of tractor was of about 100 days or 400 hours. It appeared that the rice-oriented farms used most with 412.4 hours per year, and followed by the livestock-oriented farms with 403.6 hours, the orchard oriented farms with 377.7 hours. 7. Among the total hours of tractor use, 47.3 percent was for transportation, and 41.6 percent was for plowing and rotary tillage. The largest portion of the annual tractor use was taken by transportation on the livestock-oriented farms, by land preperation on the rice-oriented farms, and by loading and chemical spraying on the orchard-oriented farms. 8. The hours of tractor use had a peak in May. The hours of use for own farm was remarkably different among the different farm oriented, but there was no considerable difference between the too different sizes of tractor. 9. The hours of tractor use decreased as the age of the operator or the educational level increased. The reason might be that the operators who had a high educational level or were older had a tendency of disliking custom works. 10. The average custom use of tractor was 171.3 hours per year, and the ratio of custom work was 63.7 percent on the rice-oriented farms, 31.7 percent on the livestock-oriented farms and 22.4 percent on the orchard-oriented farms. Among the custom works, the most popular one was the grader leveling. 11. The charge on custom work was about 40,000 Won per hectare for plowing and rotary tillage, and it was the most expensive in the southeastern region, and next followed by the southwestern region. 12. The average plowing capacity of the small tractor was 7.8 hours per hectare in the paddy field, and that of the large tractors was 4.3 hours per hectare. The average rotary-tilling capacities of the small and the large tractors were 6.5 and 4.3 hours per hectare, in the paddy field respectively.

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Studies on Classification and Genetic Nature of Korean Local Corn Lines (한국(韓國) 재래종(在來種) 옥수수의 계통분류(系統分類) 및 유전적(遺傳的) 특성(特性)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, In Sup;Choi, Bong Ho
    • Korean Journal of Agricultural Science
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    • v.9 no.1
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    • pp.396-450
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    • 1982
  • To obtain basic information on the Korean local corn lines a total of 57 lines were selected from 1,000 Korean local collection at Chungnam National University, classified by principal component analysis, and genetic nature was investigated. The results are summarized as follows. 1. There were a great variation in mean values of plant characters of the lines. The mean values of plant characters except for density of kernels varied with types of crossing. All characters except. for tasselling dates were reduced in magnitude when selfed, while those characters were increased when topcrossed. 2. The correlation coefficients among characters studied ranged front 0.99 to -0.59. The correlation coefficients among characters were not greatly changed depending upon types of crosses. 3. In order to classify the lines more effectively, selected 12 plant characters were used to classify 57 local lines by principal component analysis. The first four component could explain 86.4%, 83.4% and 81.1% of the total variations in sibbed lines, selfed lines and topcrossed lines, respectively. 4. Contribution of characters to principal component was high at upper principal components and low at lower principal components. 5. Biological meaning of the principal component and plant types corresponding to the each principal component were explained clearly by the correlation coefficient between principal components and characters. The first principal component appeared to correspond to the size of plant and ear. The second principal component appeared to correspond to the degree of differentiation in organs and the duration of vegetative growing period. But biological meaning of the third and fourth principal components was not clear. 6. The lines were classified into 4 lineal groups by the taxonomic distance. Group I included 52 lines which was 91.2% of total lines, group II 3 lines, group III 1 lines and group IV I lines, respectively. Four groups could be characterized as follows : Group I : early maturity, short-culmed, medium height plant, small ears, medium kernels and medium yielding. Group II : late maturity, medium height plant, small ears, small kernels, prolific ears and higher yielding. Group III : medium maturity, tall-culmed, small ears, small kernels and low yielding. Group IV : medium maturity, tall-calmed, large ears, one ear plant and me yielding. 7. The inbreeding depression varied with plant characters and lines. The characters such as yield, kernel weight per ear, ear weight and plant height showed great degree of inbreeding depression. Group I showed high inbreeding depression in such characters as 100 kernel weight, leaf number, plant height and days to tasselling, while group II showed high inbreeding depression in other plant characters. 8. Heterosis of plant characters varied also with lines. The ear weight, kernel weight per ear, yield, 100 kernel weight, and plant height were some of the plant characters showing high heterosis. Group II showed high values of heterosis in such characters as ear length, ear diameter, ear weight, kernel weight per ear, 100 kernel weight, and leaf length, while group I was high in heterosis in other plant characters. 9. The degree of homozgosity was highest in ear weight (79.1%) and lowest in ear number per plant (-21%). Group II showed higher degree of homozygosity than group I. 10. Correlation coefficients between characters of ribbed and topcrossed lines were positive for all characters. Highly significant. correlation coefficients between ribbed and topcrossed lines were obtained especially for characters such as ear number per plant, plant height, leaf length and yield per plot.

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The Effects on CRM Performance and Relationship Quality of Successful Elements in the Establishment of Customer Relationship Management: Focused on Marketing Approach (CRM구축과정에서 마케팅요인이 관계품질과 CRM성과에 미치는 영향)

  • Jang, Hyeong-Yu
    • Journal of Global Scholars of Marketing Science
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    • v.18 no.4
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    • pp.119-155
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    • 2008
  • Customer Relationship Management(CRM) has been a sustainable competitive edge of many companies. CRM analyzes customer data for designing and executing targeted marketing analysing customer behavior in order to make decisions relating to products and services including management information system. It is critical for companies to get and maintain profitable customers. How to manage relationships with customers effectively has become an important issue for both academicians and practitioners in recent years. However, the existing academic literature and the practical applications of customer relationship management(CRM) strategies have been focused on the technical process and organizational structure about the implementation of CRM. These limited focus on CRM lead to the result of numerous reports of failed implementations of various types of CRM projects. Many of these failures are also related to the absence of marketing approach. Identifying successful factors and outcomes focused on marketing concept before introducing a CRM project are a pre-implementation requirements. Many researchers have attempted to find the factors that contribute to the success of CRM. However, these research have some limitations in terms of marketing approach without explaining how the marketing based factors contribute to the CRM success. An understanding of how to manage relationship with crucial customers effectively based marketing approach has become an important topic for both academicians and practitioners. However, the existing papers did not provide a clear antecedent and outcomes factors focused on marketing approach. This paper attempt to validate whether or not such various marketing factors would impact on relational quality and CRM performance in terms of marketing oriented perceptivity. More specifically, marketing oriented factors involving market orientation, customer orientation, customer information orientation, and core customer orientation can influence relationship quality(satisfaction and trust) and CRM outcome(customer retention and customer share). Another major goals of this research are to identify the effect of relationship quality on CRM outcomes consisted of customer retention and share to show the relationship strength between two factors. Based on meta analysis for conventional studies, I can construct the following research model. An empirical study was undertaken to test the hypotheses with data from various companies. Multiple regression analysis and t-test were employed to test the hypotheses. The reliability and validity of our measurements were tested by using Cronbach's alpha coefficient and principal factor analysis respectively, and seven hypotheses were tested through performing correlation test and multiple regression analysis. The first key outcome is a theoretically and empirically sound CRM factors(marketing orientation, customer orientation, customer information orientation, and core customer orientation.) in the perceptive of marketing. The intensification of ${\beta}$coefficient among antecedents factors in terms of marketing was not same. In particular, The effects on customer trust of marketing based CRM antecedents were significantly confirmed excluding core customer orientation. It was notable that the direct effects of core customer orientation on customer trust were not exist. This means that customer trust which is firmly formed by long term tasks will not be directly linked to the core customer orientation. the enduring management concerned with this interactions is probably more important for the successful implementation of CRM. The second key result is that the implementation and operation of successful CRM process in terms of marketing approach have a strong positive association with both relationship quality(customer trust/customer satisfaction) and CRM performance(customer retention and customer possession). The final key fact that relationship quality has a strong positive effect on customer retention and customer share confirms that improvements in customer satisfaction and trust improve accessibility to customers, provide more consistent service and ensure value-for-money within the front office which result in growth of customer retention and customer share. Particularly, customer satisfaction and trust which is main components of relationship quality are found to be positively related to the customer retention and customer share. Interactive managements of these main variables play key roles in connecting the successful antecedent of CRM with final outcome involving customer retention and share. Based on research results, This paper suggest managerial implications concerned with constructions and executions of CRM focusing on the marketing perceptivity. I can conclude in general the CRM can be achieved by the recognition of antecedents and outcomes based on marketing concept. The implementation of marketing concept oriented CRM will be connected with finding out about customers' purchasing habits, opinions and preferences profiling individuals and groups to market more effectively and increase sales changing the way you operate to improve customer service and marketing. Benefiting from CRM is not just a question of investing the right software, but adapt CRM users to the concept of marketing including marketing orientation, customer orientation, and customer information orientation. No one deny that CRM is a process or methodology used to develop stronger relationships being composed of many technological components, but thinking about CRM in primarily technological terms is a big mistake. We can infer from this paper that the more useful way to think and implement about CRM is as a process that will help bring together lots of pieces of marketing concept about customers, marketing effectiveness, and market trends. Finally, a real situation we conducted our research may enable academics and practitioners to understand the antecedents and outcomes in the perceptive of marketing more clearly.

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The Location and Landscape Composition of Yowol-pavilion Garden Interpreted from Tablet & Poetry (편액과 시문으로 본 요월정원림(邀月亭園林)의 입지 및 조영 해석)

  • Lee, Hyun-Woo;Kim, Sang-Wook;Ren, Qin-Hong
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.32 no.3
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    • pp.32-45
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    • 2014
  • The study attempts to interpret original location and landscape composition of Yowol-pavilion Garden under the premise that tablet and poetry are important criteria for inference of unique location and landscape composition of a pavilion garden. The study raises the meaning, status, and value of Yowol Pavilion Garden as a cultural asset. The results of the study are as follows. First, Yowol-pavilion Garden was a place where famous Confucius scholars in Joseon Dynasty in 16th Century, including Kim, Kyung-Woo, the owner of the garden, used to share the taste for the arts and poetries with their colleagues. Along with a main characteristic of Yowol Pavilion Garden as a hideout for the Confucius scholars who stayed away from a political turmoil, the new place characteristic of the garden, a bridgehead for the formation of regional identity, was discovered in the record of "Joseon-Hwanyeo-Seungram Honam-Eupji JangSeong-Eupji", As described in "The first creative poetry of Yowol-pavilion", the intention for the creation of Yowol-pavilion Garden and the motive for its landscape composition is interpreted as a space of rivalry where the world, reality and ideals are mixed up. Second, related to outstanding scenic factors and natural phenomena when taking a view from the pavilion, the name of the house 'Yowol', which means 'Greeting the moon rising on the Mt. Wolbong' is the provision of nature and taste for the arts, and is directly connected to the image of leaving the worldly. In other words, the name was identified to be the one that reflected the intention for landscape composition to follow the provision of nature separating from joy and sorrow of the mundane world. Third, as for the location, it was confirmed through "YeongGwang-Soksu-Yeoji-Seungram" that Yowol-pavilion Garden was a place where the person who made the pavilion prepared for relaxation after stepping down from a government post, and literature and various poetry show that it was also a place of outstanding scenic where Yellow-dragon River meandered facing Mt. Wolbong. Especially, according to an interview with a keeper, the visual perception frequency of the nightscape of Yowol-pavilion Garden is the highest when viewing by considering the east, the direction of Yellow-dragon River, as Suksigak[normal angle's view], towards Yowel-pavilion from the keeper's house. In addition, he said that the most beautiful landscape with high perception strength is when the moon came up from the left side of Yowol-pavilion, cuts across the Lagerstroemia india heal in front of Yowol-pavilion, and crosses the meridian between Mt. Wolbong peaks facing Yowol-pavilion. Currently, the exposure of Yowol-pavilion Garden is $SE\;141.2^{\circ}$, which is almost facing southeast. It is assumed that the exposure of Yowol-pavilion Garden was determined considering the optimized direction for appreciating the trace of the moon and the intention of securing the visibility as well as topographic conditions. Furthermore, it is presumed that the exposure of Yowol-pavilion Garden was determined so that the moon is reflected on the water of Yellow-dragon River and the moon and its reflection form a symmetry. Fourth, currently, Yowol-pavilion Garden is divided into 'inner garden sphere' composed of Yowol-pavilion, meeting place of the clan and administration building, and 'outer garden sphere' which is inclusive of entrance space, Crape Myrtle Community Garden and Pine Tree Forest in the back. Further, Yowol-pavilion Garden has been deteriorated as the edge was expanded to 'Small lake[Yong-so] and Gardens of aquatic plants sphere' and recently-created 'Yellow-dragon Pavilion and park sphere'. Fifth, at the time it was first made, Yowol-pavilion Garden was borderless gardens consisting of mountains and water taking a method of occupying a specific space of nearby nature centering around pavilion by embracing landscape viewed from the pavilion, but interpreted current complex landscapes are identified to be entirely different from landscapes of the original due to 'Different Changes', 'Fragmentation' and 'Apart piece' in many parts. Lastly, considering that Yowol-pavilion Garden belongs to the Cultural Properties Protection Zone, though not the restoration to the landscapes of the original described in tablet and literature record, at least taking a measure from the aspect of land use for minimizing adverse effect on landscape and visual damage is required.

A Study on the Cultivation Processes and Settlement Developments on the Mangyoung River Valley (만경강유역의 개간과정과 취락형성발달에 관한 연구)

  • NamGoong, Bong
    • Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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    • v.3 no.2
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    • pp.37-87
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    • 1997
  • As a results of researches on the cultivation processes and settlement developments on the Mangyoung river valley as a whole could be have four 'Space-Time Continuity' through a [Origin-Destination] theory model. On a initial phases of cultivation, the cultivation process has been begun at mountain slopes and tributory plains in upper part of river-basin from Koryo Dynasty to early Chosun Dynasty. At first, indigenous peasants burned forests on the mountain slopes for making 'dryfield' for a cereal crops. Following population increase more stable food supply is necessary facets of life inducing a change production method into a 'wetfield' in tributory plains matching the population increase. First sedentary agriculture maybe initiated at this mountain slopes and tributory plains on upper part of river basin through a burning cultivation methods. Mountain slopes and tributory plains are become a Origin area in cultivation processes. It expanded from up to down through the valleys with 'a bits of land' fashion in a steady pace like a terraced fields expanded with bit by bit of land to downward. They expanded their land to the middle part of river basin in mid period of Chosun Dynasty with dike construction techniques on the river bank. Lower part of river cultivated with embankment building techniques in 1920s and then naturally expanded to the tidal marshes on the estuaries and river inlets of coastal areas. 'Pioneer fringes' are consolidated at there in modern times. Changes in landscapes are appeared it's own characters with each periods of time. Followings are results of study through the Mangyoung river valley as a whole. (1) Mountain slopes and tributory plains on the upper part of river are cultivated 'dryfields' by indigenous peasants with Burning cultivation methods at first and developed sedentary settlements at the edges of mountain slopes and on the river terrace near the fields. They formed a kind of 'periphery-located cluster type' of settlement. This type of settlement are become a prominant type in upper part of river basin. 'Dryfields' has been changed into a 'wetfields' at the narrow tributory plains by increasing population pressure in later time. These wetfields are supplied water by Weir and Ponds Irrigation System(제언수리방법). Streams on the tributory plains has been attracted wetfields besides of it and formed a [water+land] complex on it. 'Wetfields' are expanded from up to downward with a terraced land pattern(adder like pattern, 붕전) according to the gradient of valley. These periphery located settlements are formed a intimate ecological linkage with several sets of surroundings. Inner villages are expanded to Outer villages according to the expansion of arable lands into downward. (2) Mountain slopes and tributory plains expanded its territory to the alluvial deposited plains on the middle part of river valley with a urgent need of new land by population increase. This part of alluvial plains are cultivated mainly in mid period of Chosun Dynasty. Irrigation methods are changed into a Dike Construction Irrigation method(천방수리방법) for the control of floods. It has a trend to change the subjectives of cultivation from community-oriented one who constructed Bochang along tributories making rice paddies to local government authorities who could be gather large sums of capitals, techniques and labours for the big dike construction affairs. Settlements are advanced in the midst of plains avoiding friction of distances and formed a 'Centrallocated cluster type' of settlements. There occured a hierarchical structures of settlements in ranks and sizes according merits of water supply and transportation convenience at the broad plains. Big towns are developed at there. It strengthened a more prominant [water+land] complex along the canals. Ecological linkages between settlements and surroundings are shaded out into a tiny one in this area. (3) It is very necessary to get a modern technology of flood control at the rivers that have a large volume of water and broad width. The alluvial plains are remained in a wilderness phase until a technical level reached a large artificial levee construction ability that could protect the arable land from flood. Until that time on most of alluvial land at the lower part of river are remained a wilderness of overgrown with reeds in lacks of techniques to build a large-scale artificial levee along the riverbank. Cultivation processes are progressed in a large scale one by Japanese agricultural companies with [River Rennovation Project] of central government in 1920s. Large scale artificial levees are constructed along the riverbank. Subjectives of cultivation are changed from Korean peasants to Japanese agricultural companies and Korean peasants fell down as a tenant in a colonial situation of that time in Korea. They could not have any voices in planning of spatial structure and decreased their role in planning. Newly cultivated lands are reflected company's intensions, objectives and perspectives for achieving their goals for the sake of colonial power. Newly cultivated lands are planned into a regular Rectangular Block settings of rice paddies and implanted a large scale Bureaucratic-oriented Irrigation System on the cultivated plains. Every settlements are located in the midst of rice paddies with a Central located Cluster type of settlements. [water+land] complex along the canal system are more strengthened. Cultivated space has a characters of [I-IT] landscapes. (4) Artificial levees are connected into a coastal emnankment for a reclamation of broad tidal marshes on the estuaries and inlets of rivers in the colonial times. Subjectives of reclamation are enlarged into a big agricultural companies that could be acted a role as a big cultivator. After that time on most of reclamation project of tidal marshes are controlled by these agricultural companies formed by mostly Japanese capitalists. Reclaimed lands on the estuaries and river inlets are under hands of agricultural companies and all the spatial structures are formed by their intensions, objectives and perspectives. They constructed a Unit Farming Area for the sake of companies. Spatial structures are planned in a regular one with broad arable land for the rice production of rectangular blocks, regular canal systems and tank reservoir for the irrigation water supply into reclaimed lands. There developed a 'Central-located linear type' of settlements in midst of reclaimed land. These settlements are settled in a detail program upon this newly reclaimed land at once with a master plan and they have planned patterns in their distribution, building materials, location, and form. Ecological linkage between Newly settled settlemrnts and its surroundings are lost its colours and became a more artificial one by human-centred environment. [I-IT] landscapes are become more prominant. This region is a destination area of [Origin-Destination] theory model and formed a 'Pioneer Fringe'. It is a kind of pioneer front that could advance or retreat discontinously by physical conditions and socio-cultural conditions of that region.

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A Study on Jeong Su-yeong's Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers through the Lens of Boating and Mountain Outings (선유(船遊)와 유산(遊山)으로 본 정수영(鄭遂榮)의 《한임강유람도권》 고찰)

  • Hahn, Sangyun
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.96
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    • pp.89-122
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    • 2019
  • In this paper, I argue that the Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers by Jeong Su-yeong (1743~1831, pseudonym: Jiwujae) is a record of his private journeys to several places on the outskirts of Hanyang (present-day Seoul) and that it successfully embodies the painter's subjective perspective while boating on these rivers and going on outings to nearby mountains. Around 1796, Jeong Su-yeong traveled to different places and documented his travels in this 16-meter-long handscroll. Several leaves of paper, each of which depicts a separate landscape, are pieced together to create this long handscroll. This indicates that the Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers reflected the painter's personal subjective experiences as he went along his journey rather than simply depicts travel destinations. The Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers features two types of travel: boating and mountain outings on foot. Traveling by boat takes up a large portion of the handscroll, which illustrates the channels of the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers. Mountain outings correspond to the sections describing the regions around Bukhansan, Gwanaksan, and Dobongsan Mountains. Jeong Su-yeong traveled to this wide span of places not just once, but several times. The fact that the Hangang River system are not presented in accordance with their actual locations shows that they were illustrated at different points. After visiting the riversides of the Hangang and Namhangang Rivers twice, Jeong Su-yeong delineated them in fourteen scenes. Among them, the first eight illustrate Jeong's initial trip by boat, while the other six scenes are vistas from his second trip. These fourteen scenes occupy half of this handscroll, indicating that the regions near the Hangang River are painted most frequently. The scenes of Jeong Su-yeong's first boating trip to the system of the Hangang River portray the landscapes that he personally witnessed rather than famous scenes. Some of the eight scenic views of Yeoju, including Yongmunsan Mountain, Cheongsimru Pavilion, and Silleuksa Temple, are included in this handscroll. However, Jeong noted spots that were not often painted and depicted them using an eye-level perspective uncommon for illustrating famous scenic locations. The scenes of Jeong's second boating trip include his friend's villa and a meeting with companions. Moreover, Cheongsimru Pavilion and Silleuksa Temple, which are depicted in the first boating trip, are illustrated again from different perspectives and in unique compositions. Jeong Su-yeong examined the same locations several times from different angles. A sense of realism is demonstrated in the scenes of Jeong's first and second boating trips to the channels of the Hangang River, which depict actual roads. Furthermore, viewers can easily follow the level gaze of Jeong from the boat. The scenes depicting the Imjingang River begin from spots near the Yeongpyeongcheon and Hantangang Rivers and end with places along the waterways of the Imjingang River. Here, diverse perspectives were applied, which is characteristic of Imjingang River scenes. Jeong Su-yeong employed a bird's-eye perspective to illustrate the flow of a waterway starting from the Yeongpyeongcheon River. He also used an eye-level perspective to highlight the rocks of Baegundam Pool. Thus, depending on what he wished to emphasize, Jeong applied different perspectives. Hwajeogyeon Pond located by the Hantangang River is illustrated from a bird's-eye perspective to present a panoramic view of the surroundings and rocks. Similarly, the scenery around Uhwajeong Pavilion by the Imjingang River are depicted from the same perspective. A worm's-eye view was selected for Samseongdae Cliff in Tosangun in the upper regions of the Imjingang River and for Nakhwaam Rock. The scenes of Jeong Su-yeong's mountain outings include pavilions and small temple mainly. In the case of Jaeganjeong Pavilion on Bukhansan Mountain, its actual location remains unidentified since the pavilion did not lead to the route of the boating trip to the system of the Hangang River and was separately depicted from other trips to the mountains. I speculate that Jaeganjeong Pavilion refers to a pavilion either in one of the nine valleys in Wooyi-dong at the foot of Bukhansan Mountain or in Songajang Villa. Since these two pavilions are situated in the valleys of Bukhansan Mountain, their descriptions in written texts are similar. As for Gwanaksan Mountain, Chwihyangjeong and Ilganjeong Pavilions as well as Geomjisan Mountain in the Bukhansan Mountain range are depicted. Ilganjeong Pavilion was a well-known site on Gwanaksan that belonged to Shin Wi. In this handscroll, however, Jeong Su-yeong recorded objective geographic information on the pavilion rather than relating it to Shin Wi. "Chwihyangjeong Pavilion" is presented within the walls, while "Geomjisan Mountain" is illustrated outside the walls. Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers also includes two small temples, Mangwolam and Okcheonam, on Dobongsan Mountain. The actual locations of these are unknown today. Nevertheless, Gungojip (Anthology of Gungo) by Yim Cheonsang relates that they were sited on Dobongsan Mountain. Compared to other painters who stressed Dobong Seowon (a private Confucian academy) and Manjangbong Peak when depicting Dobongsan Mountain, Jeong Su-yeong highlighted these two small temples. Jeong placed Yeongsanjeon Hall and Cheonbong Stele in "Mangwolam small temple" and Daeungjeon Hall in front of "Okcheonam small temple." In addition to the buildings of the small temple, Jeong drew the peaks of Dobongsan Mountain without inscribing their names, which indicates that he intended the Dobongsan peaks as a background for the scenery. The Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers is of great significance in that it embodies Jeong Su-yeong's personal perceptions of scenic spots on the outskirts of Hanyang and records his trips to these places.

A Review Examining the Dating, Analysis of the Painting Style, Identification of the Painter, and Investigation of the Documentary Records of Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple (용주사(龍珠寺) <삼세불회도(三世佛會圖)> 연구의 연대 추정과 양식 분석, 작가 비정, 문헌 해석의 검토)

  • Kang, Kwanshik
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.97
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    • pp.14-54
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    • 2020
  • The overall study of Samsaebulhoedo (painting of the Assembly of Buddhas of Three Ages) at Yongjusa Temple has focused on dating it, analyzing the painting style, identifying its painter, and scrutinizing the related documents. However, its greater coherence could be achieved through additional support from empirical evidence and logical consistency. Recent studies on Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple that postulate that the painting could have been produced by a monk-painter in the late nineteenth century and that an original version produced in 1790 could have been retouched by a painter in the 1920s using a Western painting style lack such empirical proof and logic. Although King Jeongjo's son was not yet installed as crown prince, the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple contained a conventional written prayer wishing for a long life for the king, queen, and crown prince: "May his majesty the King live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). Later, this phrase was erased using cinnabar and revised to include unusual content in an exceptional order: "May his majesty the King live long / May his highness the King's Affectionate Mother (Jagung) live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 慈宮邸下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). A comprehensive comparison of the formats and contents in written prayers found on late Joseon Buddhist paintings and a careful analysis of royal liturgy during the reign of King Jeongjo reveal Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple to be an original version produced at the time of the founding of Yongjusa Temple in 1790. According to a comparative analysis of formats, iconography, styles, aesthetic sensibilities, and techniques found in Buddhist paintings and paintings by Joseon court painters from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple bears features characteristic of paintings produced around 1790, which corresponds to the result of analysis on the written prayer. Buddhist paintings created up to the early eighteenth century show deities with their sizes determined by their religious status and a two-dimensional conceptual composition based on the traditional perspective of depicting close objects in the lower section and distant objects above. This Samsaebulhoedo, however, systematically places the Buddhist deities within a threedimensional space constructed by applying a linear perspective. Through the extensive employment of chiaroscuro as found in Western painting, it expresses white highlights and shadows, evoking a feeling that the magnificent world of the Buddhas of the Three Ages actually unfolds in front of viewers. Since the inner order of a linear perspective and the outer illusion of chiaroscuro shading are intimately related to each other, it is difficult to believe that the white highlights were a later addition. Moreover, the creative convergence of highly-developed Western painting style and techniques that is on display in this Samsaebulhoedo could only have been achieved by late-Joseon court painters working during the reign of King Jeongjo, including Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin. Deungun, the head monk of Yongjusa Temple, wrote Yongjusa sajeok (History of Yongjusa Temple) by compiling the historical records on the temple that had been transmitted since its founding. In Yongjusa sajeok, Deungun recorded that Kim Hongdo painted Samsaebulhoedo as if it were a historical fact. The Joseon royal court's official records, Ilseongnok (Daily Records of the Royal Court and Important Officials) and Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok (Suwon Construction Records), indicate that Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin all served as a supervisor (gamdong) for the production of Buddhist paintings. Since within Joseon's hierarchical administrative system it was considered improper to allow court painters of government position to create Buddhist paintings which had previously been produced by monk-painters, they were appointed as gamdong in name only to avoid a political liability. In reality, court painters were ordered to create Buddhist paintings. During their reigns, King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo summoned the literati painters Jo Yeongseok and Kang Sehwang to serve as gamdong for the production of royal portraits and requested that they paint these portraits as well. Thus, the boundary between the concept of supervision and that of painting occasionally blurred. Supervision did not completely preclude painting, and a gamdong could also serve as a painter. In this light, the historical records in Yongjusa sajeok are not inconsistent with those in Ilseongnok, Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok, and a prayer written by Hwang Deok-sun, which was found inside the canopy in Daeungjeon Hall at Yongjusa Temple. These records provided the same content in different forms as required for their purposes and according to the context. This approach to the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple will lead to a more coherent explanation of dating the painting, analyzing its style, identifying its painter, and interpreting the relevant documents based on empirical grounds and logical consistency.

A Study for Improvement of Nursing Service Administration (병원 간호행정 개선을 위한 연구)

  • 박정호
    • Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
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    • v.3 no.1
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    • pp.13-40
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    • 1972
  • Much has teed changed in the field of hospital administration in the It wake of the rapid development of sciences, techniques ana systematic hospital management. However, we still have a long way to go in organization, in the quality of hospital employees and hospital equipment and facilities, and in financial support in order to achieve proper hospital management. The above factors greatly effect the ability of hospitals to fulfill their obligation in patient care and nursing services. The purpose of this study is to determine the optimal methods of standardization and quality nursing so as to improve present nursing services through investigations and analyses of various problems concerning nursing administration. This study has been undertaken during the six month period from October 1971 to March 1972. The 41 comprehensive hospitals have been selected iron amongst the 139 in the whole country. These have been categorized according-to the specific purposes of their establishment, such as 7 university hospitals, 18 national or public hospitals, 12 religious hospitals and 4 enterprise ones. The following conclusions have been acquired thus far from information obtained through interviews with nursing directors who are in charge of the nursing administration in each hospital, and further investigations concerning the purposes of establishment, the organization, personnel arrangements, working conditions, practices of service, and budgets of the nursing service department. 1. The nursing administration along with its activities in this country has been uncritical1y adopted from that of the developed countries. It is necessary for us to re-establish a new medical and nursing system which is adequate for our social environments through continuous study and research. 2. The survey shows that the 7 university hospitals were chiefly concerned with education, medical care and research; the 18 national or public hospitals with medical care, public health and charity work; the 2 religious hospitals with medical care, charity and missionary works; and the 4 enterprise hospitals with public health, medical care and charity works. In general, the main purposes of the hospitals were those of charity organizations in the pursuit of medical care, education and public benefits. 3. The survey shows that in general hospital facilities rate 64 per cent and medical care 60 per-cent against a 100 per cent optimum basis in accordance with the medical treatment law and approved criteria for training hospitals. In these respects, university hospitals have achieved the highest standards, followed by religious ones, enterprise ones, and national or public ones in that order. 4. The ages of nursing directors range from 30 to 50. The level of education achieved by most of the directors is that of graduation from a nursing technical high school and a three year nursing junior college; a very few have graduated from college or have taken graduate courses. 5. As for the career tenure of nurses in the hospitals: one-third of the nurses, or 38 per cent, have worked less than one year; those in the category of one year to two represent 24 pet cent. This means that a total of 62 per cent of the career nurses have been practicing their profession for less than two years. Career nurses with over 5 years experience number only 16 per cent: therefore the efficiency of nursing services has been rated very low. 6. As for the standard of education of the nurses: 62 per cent of them have taken a three year course of nursing in junior colleges, and 22 per cent in nursing technical high schools. College graduate nurses come up to only 15 per cent; and those with graduate course only 0.4 per cent. This indicates that most of the nurses are front nursing technical high schools and three year nursing junior colleges. Accordingly, it is advisable that nursing services be divided according to their functions, such as professional, technical nurses and nurse's aides. 7. The survey also shows that the purpose of nursing service administration in the hospitals has been regulated in writing in 74 per cent of the hospitals and not regulated in writing in 26 per cent of the hospitals. The general purposes of nursing are as follows: patient care, assistance in medical care and education. The main purpose of these nursing services is to establish proper operational and personnel management which focus on in-service education. 8. The nursing service departments belong to the medical departments in almost 60 per cent of the hospitals. Even though the nursing service department is formally separated, about 24 per cent of the hospitals regard it as a functional unit in the medical department. Only 5 per cent of the hospitals keep the department as a separate one. To the contrary, approximately 12 per cent of the hospitals have not established a nursing service department at all but surbodinate it to the other department. In this respect, it is required that a new hospital organization be made to acknowledge the independent function of the nursing department. In 76 per cent of the hospitals they have advisory committees under the nursing department, such as a dormitory self·regulating committee, an in-service education committee and a nursing procedure and policy committee. 9. Personnel arrangement and working conditions of nurses 1) The ratio of nurses to patients is as follows: In university hospitals, 1 to 2.9 for hospitalized patients and 1 to 4.0 for out-patients; in religious hospitals, 1 to 2.3 for hospitalized patients and 1 to 5.4 for out-patients. Grouped together this indicates that one nurse covers 2.2 hospitalized patients and 4.3 out-patients on a daily basis. The current medical treatment law stipulates that one nurse should care for 2.5 hospitalized patients or 30.0 out-patients. Therefore the statistics indicate that nursing services are being peformed with an insufficient number of nurses to cover out-patients. The current law concerns the minimum number of nurses and disregards the required number of nurses for operation rooms, recovery rooms, delivery rooms, new-born baby rooms, central supply rooms and emergency rooms. Accordingly, tile medical treatment law has been requested to be amended. 2) The ratio of doctors to nurses: In university hospitals, the ratio is 1 to 1.1; in national of public hospitals, 1 to 0.8; in religious hospitals 1 to 0.5; and in private hospitals 1 to 0.7. The average ratio is 1 to 0.8; generally the ideal ratio is 3 to 1. Since the number of doctors working in hospitals has been recently increasing, the nursing services have consequently teen overloaded, sacrificing the services to the patients. 3) The ratio of nurses to clerical staff is 1 to 0.4. However, the ideal ratio is 5 to 1, that is, 1 to 0.2. This means that clerical personnel far outnumber the nursing staff. 4) The ratio of nurses to nurse's-aides; The average 2.5 to 1 indicates that most of the nursing service are delegated to nurse's-aides owing to the shortage of registered nurses. This is the main cause of the deterioration in the quality of nursing services. It is a real problem in the guest for better nursing services that certain hospitals employ a disproportionate number of nurse's-aides in order to meet financial requirements. 5) As for the working conditions, most of hospitals employ a three-shift day with 8 hours of duty each. However, certain hospitals still use two shifts a day. 6) As for the working environment, most of the hospitals lack welfare and hygienic facilities. 7) The salary basis is the highest in the private university hospitals, with enterprise hospitals next and religious hospitals and national or public ones lowest. 8) Method of employment is made through paper screening, and further that the appointment of nurses is conditional upon the favorable opinion of the nursing directors. 9) The unemployment ratio for one year in 1971 averaged 29 per cent. The reasons for unemployment indicate that the highest is because of marriage up to 40 per cent, and next is because of overseas employment. This high unemployment ratio further causes the deterioration of efficiency in nursing services and supplementary activities. The hospital authorities concerned should take this matter into a jeep consideration in order to reduce unemployment. 10) The importance of in-service education is well recognized and established. 1% has been noted that on the-job nurses. training has been most active, with nursing directors taking charge of the orientation programs of newly employed nurses. However, it is most necessary that a comprehensive study be made of instructors, contents and methods of education with a separate section for in-service education. 10. Nursing services'activities 1) Division of services and job descriptions are urgently required. 81 per rent of the hospitals keep written regulations of services in accordance with nursing service manuals. 19 per cent of the hospitals do not keep written regulations. Most of hospitals delegate to the nursing directors or certain supervisors the power of stipulating service regulations. In 21 per cent of the total hospitals they have policy committees, standardization committees and advisory committees to proceed with the stipulation of regulations. 2) Approximately 81 per cent of the hospitals have service channels in which directors, supervisors, head nurses and staff nurses perform their appropriate services according to the service plans and make up the service reports. In approximately 19 per cent of the hospitals the staff perform their nursing services without utilizing the above channels. 3) In the performance of nursing services, a ward manual is considered the most important one to be utilized in about 32 percent of hospitals. 25 per cent of hospitals indicate they use a kardex; 17 per cent use ward-rounding, and others take advantage of work sheets or coordination with other departments through conferences. 4) In about 78 per cent of hospitals they have records which indicate the status of personnel, and in 22 per cent they have not. 5) It has been advised that morale among nurses may be increased, ensuring more efficient services, by their being able to exchange opinions and views with each other. 6) The satisfactory performance of nursing services rely on the following factors to the degree indicated: approximately 32 per cent to the systematic nursing activities and services; 27 per cent to the head nurses ability for nursing diagnosis; 22 per cent to an effective supervisory system; 16 per cent to the hospital facilities and proper supply, and 3 per cent to effective in·service education. This means that nurses, supervisors, head nurses and directors play the most important roles in the performance of nursing services. 11. About 87 per cent of the hospitals do not have separate budgets for their nursing departments, and only 13 per cent of the hospitals have separate budgets. It is recommended that the planning and execution of the nursing administration be delegated to the pertinent administrators in order to bring about improved proved performances and activities in nursing services.

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A Study on the Costume Style of Civil Servants' Stone Images Erected at Tombs of the Kings for Yi-dynasty (조선왕조(朝鮮王朝) 왕릉(王陵) 문인석상(文人石像)의 복식형태(服飾形態)에 관한 연구)

  • Kwon, Yong-Ok
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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    • v.4
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    • pp.87-114
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    • 1981
  • A costume reveals the social characteristics of the era in which it is worn, thus we can say that the history of change of the costume is the history of change of the living culture of the era. Since the Three States era, the costume structure of this country had been affected by the costume system of the China's historical dynasties in the form of the grant therefrom because of geographical conditions, which affection was conspicuous for the bureaucrat class, particularly including but not limited to the Kings' familities. Such a grant of the costume for the bureaucrat class (i.e., official uniform) was first given by the Dang-dynasty at the age of Queen Jinduck, the 28th of the Shilla-dynasty. Since then, the costume for the bureaucrats had consecutively been affected as the ages had gone from the unified Shilla, to the Koryo and to the Yi-dynasty. As the full costumes officially used by government officials (generally called "Baek Gwan") in the Yidynasty, there existed Jo-bok, Gong-bok and Sang-bok. Of such official costumes, Gong-bok was worn at the time of conducting official affairs of the dynasty, making a respectful visit for the expression of thanks or meeting diplomatic missions of foreign countries. It appears no study was made yet with regard to the Gong-bok while the studies on the Jo-bok and the Sangbok were made. Therefore, this article is, by rendering a study and research on the styles of costumes of civil servants' stone images erected at the Kings' tombs of the Yi-dynasty, to help the persons concerned understand the Gong-bok, one of the official costume for Baek Kwan of that age and further purports to specifically identify the styles and changes of the Gong-bok, worn by Baek Gwan during the Yi-dynasty, consisting of the Bok-doo (a hat, four angled and two storied with flat top), Po (gown), Dae (belt), and Hol (small and thin plate which was officially held by the government officials in hand, showing the courtesy to and writing brief memorandums before the King) and Hwa (shoes). For that purpose, I investigated by actually visiting the tombs of the Kings of the Yi-dynasty including the Geonwon-neung, the tomb of the first King Tae-jo and the You-neung, the tomb of the 27th King Soon-jong as well as the tombs of the lawful wives and concubines of various Kings, totalling 29 tombs and made reference to relevant books and records. Pursuant. to this study, of the 29 Kings' tombs the costume styles of civil servants' stone images erected at the 26 Kings' tombs are those of Gong-bok for Baek-gwan of the Yi-dynasty wearing Bok-doo as a hat and Ban-ryeong or Dan-ryenog Po as a gown with Dae, holding Hol in hand and wearing shoes. Other than those of the 26 tombs, the costume styles of the Ryu-neung, the tomb of the Moon-jo who was the first son of 23rd King Soon-jo and given the King's title after he died and of the You-neung, the tomb of the 27th King Soon-jong are those of Jobok with Yang-gwan (a sort of hat having stripes erected, which is different from the Bok-doo), and that of the Hong-neung, the tomb of the 26th King Go-jong shows an exceptional one wearing Yang-gwan and Ban-ryeong Po ; these costume styles other than Gongbok remain as the subject for further study. Gong-bok which is the costume style of civil servants' stone images of most of the Kings' tombs had not been changed in its basic structure for about 500 years of the Yi-dynasty and Koryo categorized by the class of officials pursuant to the color of Po and materials of Dae and Hol. Summary of this costume style follows: (1) Gwan-mo (hat). The Gwan-mo style of civil servants' stone images of the 26 Kings' tombs, other than Ryu-neung, Hong-neung and You-neung which have Yang-gwan, out of the 29 Kings' tombs of the Yi-dynasty reveals the Bok-doo with four angled top, having fore-part and back-part divided. Back part of the Bok-doo is double the fore-part in height. The expression of the Gak (wings of the Bokdoo) varies: the Gyo-gak Bok-doo in that the Gaks, roundly arisen to the direction of the top, are clossed each other (tombs of the Kings Tae-jong), the downward style Jeon-gak Bok-doo in that soft Gaks are hanged on the shoulders (tombs of the Kings Joong-jong and Seong-jong) and another types of Jeon-gak Bok-doo having Gaks which arearisen steeply or roundly to the direction of top and the end of which are treated in a rounded or straight line form. At the lower edge one protrusive line distinctly reveals. Exceptionally, there reveals 11 Yang-gwan (gwan having 11 stripes erected) at the Ryu-neung of the King Moon-jo, 9 Yang-gwan at the Hong-neung of the King Go-jong and 11 Yang-gwan at the You-neung of the King Soon-jong; noting that the Yang-gwan of Baek Kwan, granted by the Myeong-dynasty of the China during the Yi-dynasty, was in the shape of 5 Yang-gwan for the first Poom (class) based on the principle of "Yideung Chaegang" (gradual degrading for secondary level), the above-mentioned Yang-gwans are very contrary to the principle and I do not touch such issue in this study, leaving for further study. (2) Po (gown). (a) Git (collar). Collar style of Po was the Ban-ryeong (round collar) having small neck-line in the early stage and was changed to the Dan-ryeong (round collar having deep neck-line) in the middle of the: dynasty. In the Dan-ryeong style of the middle era (shown at the tomb of the King Young-jo); a, thin line such as bias is shown around the internal side edge and the width of collar became wide a little. It is particularly noted that the Ryu-neung established in the middle stage and the You-neung in the later stage show civil servants in Jo-bok with the the Jikryeong (straight collar) Po and in case of the Hong-neung, the Hong-neung, the tomb of the King Go-jong, civil servants, although they wear Yang-gwan, are in the Ban-ryeong Po with Hoo-soo (back embroidery) and Dae and wear shoes as used in the Jo-bok style. As I could not make clear the theoretical basis of why the civil servants' costume styles revealed, at these tombs of the Kings are different from those of other tombs, I left this issue for further study. It is also noted that all the civil servants' stone images show the shape of triangled collar which is revealed over the Godae-git of Po. This triangled collar, I believe, would be the collar of the Cheomri which was worn in the middle of the Po and the underwear, (b) Sleeve. The sleeve was in the Gwan-soo (wide sleeve) style. having the width of over 100 centimeter from the early stage to the later stage arid in the Doo-ri sleeve style having the edge slightly rounded and we can recognize that it was the long sleeve in view of block fold shaped protrusive line, expressed on the arms. At the age of the King Young-jo, the sleeve-end became slightly narrow and as a result, the lower line of the sleeve were shaped curved. We can see another shape of narrow sleeve inside the wide sleeve-end, which should be the sleeve of the Cheom-ri worn under the Gong-bok. (c) Moo. The Moo revealed on the Po of civil servants' stone images at the age of the King Sook-jong' coming to the middle era. Initially the top of the Moo was expressed flat but the Moo was gradually changed to the triangled shape with the acute top. In certain cases, top or lower part of the Moo are not reveald because of wear and tear. (d) Yeomim. Yeomim (folding) of the Po was first expressed on civil servants' stone images of the Won-neung, the tomb of the King Young-jo and we can seemore delicate expression of the Yeomim and Goreum (stripe folding and fixing the lapel of the Po) at the tomb of the Jeongseong-wanghoo, the wife of the King Young-jo, At the age of the King Soon-jo, we can see the shape of Goreum similar to a string rather than the Goreum and the upper part of the Goreum which fixes Yeomim was expressed on the right sleeve. (3) Dae. Dae fixed on the Po was placed half of the length of Po from the shoulders in the early stage. Thereafter, at the age of the King Hyeon-jong it was shown on the slightly upper part. placed around one third of the length of Po. With regard to the design of Dae, all the civil servants' stone images of the Kings' tombs other than those of the Geonwon-neung of the King Tae-jo show single or double protrusive line expressed at the edge of Dae and in the middle of such lines, cloud pattern, dangcho (a grass) pattern, chrysanthemum pattern or other various types of flowery patterns were designed. Remaining portion of the waist Dae was hanged up on the back, which was initially expressed as directed from the left to the right but thereafter expressed. without orderly fashion,. to the direction of the left from the right and vice versa, Dae was in the shape of Yaja Dae. In this regard, an issue of when or where such a disorderly fashion of the direction of the remaining portion of waist Dae was originated is also presented to be clarified. In case of the Ryuneung, Hong-neung and You-neung which have civil servants' stone images wearing exceptional costume (Jo-bok), waist Dae of the Ryu-neung and Hong-neung are designed in the mixture of dual cranes pattern, cosecutive beaded pattern and chrvsenthemum pattern and that of You-neung is designed in cloud pattern. (4) Hol. Although materials of the Hol held in hand of civil servants' stone images are not identifiable, those should be the ivory Hol as all the Baek Gwan's erected as stone images should be high class officials. In the styles, no significant changes were found, however the Hol's expressed on civil servants' stone images of the Yi-dynasty were shaped in round top and angled bottom or round top and bottom. Parcicularly, at the age of the King Young-jo the Hol was expressed in the peculiar type with four angles all cut off. (5) Hwa (shoes). As the shoes expressed on civil servants' stone images are covered with the lower edges of the Po, the styles thereof are not exactly identifiable. However, reading the statement "black leather shoes for the first class (1 Poom) to ninth class (9 Poom)," recorded in the Gyeongkook Daejon, we can believe that the shoes were worn. As the age went on, the front tips of the shoes were soared and particularly, at the Hong-neung of the King Go-jong the shoes were obviously expressed with modern sense as the country were civilized.

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Showing Filial Piety: Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain at the National Museum of Korea (과시된 효심: 국립중앙박물관 소장 <인왕선영도(仁旺先塋圖)> 연구)

  • Lee, Jaeho
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.96
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    • pp.123-154
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    • 2019
  • Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.