• Journal of Korean language education
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.161-182
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• 2012

The purpose of this study is to examine level of individual foreign learners' quantitative knowledge of korean vocabulary through the Foreign Learners' Korean Vocabulary Knowledge Assessment and to propose a vocabulary education plan reflecting the result. This assessment was written in focus of semantic relation to identify category, integrated and analytical knowledge of Korean verbs acquired by foreign learners and as a result, the following educational implications were made. First, the learners' knowledge about the vocabulary combinational relationship was very limited. Second, learners are not interested in vocabulary's synonymous relation and antonymous relations. Lastly, there needs to be a concern about postpositional particle-use education. The results of these kinds of research, observes the learners vocabulary acquisition process to determine Korean textbook and present vocabulary level in appropriate in terms of learners' perspective, and provide an opportunity to check if current professors' method is adequate and valid.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.271-294
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• 2017

Despite a huge amount of foreign assistance and close economic guidance by international donors throughout the past decades, Zambia today still suffer from a high level of aid dependency and the absence of sustainable economic development. In this study, I investigate the factors that resulted in aid (and development) failure in Zambia, focusing on institutional/historical contexts. I propose that in Zambia, government has largely failed to implement (or even produce) effective economic policies that could lead to successful use of foreign assistance for long-term, sustainable development. In particular, I focus on the nature of state and politics in Zambia, and argue that failed politics is one of the main causes of development and aid failure in Zambia and highlight colonial legacies and other contextual/institutional factors to understand the nature of politics and state in Zambia. In particular, this paper proposes that the Zambian case demonstrates that foreign aid and donor influence could worsen the situation directly by simply providing wrong guidance and also by further weakening the state (and institutional) capacity of the recipient country.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.31-60
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• 2011

Medvedev administration has adopted new foreign policy line because of Obama administration's 'Reset' policy and Global economic crisis. The objectives of Medvedev's new foreign policy are the creation of a favorable external environment and the efficient use of external resources for Russia's economic modernization. To achieve these goals, Medvedev's government fleshed out such specific action plans as the avoidance of conflicts with other powers, the prevention of conflicts around Russia's borders, the activation of capital investment, and the introduction of advanced technology from the outside. This foreign policy line takes shape in the building of a foundation for strategic cooperation with the United States, the preparation for 'Modernization Alliance' with Europe, the management of cooperation and conflict with China and Japan, and the introduction of a dual strategy of strategic stability and economic integration in relations with post-soviet states. In Russia's new foreign policy line the strengthening of relations with the United States and Europe acquires highest priority. However, this does not mean a return to a 'pro-Western liberal line' in the early 1990s. The ultimate goal of Russia's 'modernization' program still lies in the rebuilding of a powerful Russia in accordance with the multipolar world order that was Putin administration's foreign policy line. In this context, foreign policy change under Medvedev administration could be defined as a 'program change at international level' that signifies a change in the means to achieve goals without changing them.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.5-26
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• 2018

Joseph S. Nye defined soft power as the power of attraction to affect the behavior of other states through the use of non-coercive instruments including culture, political values and foreign policy. Over the last two decades, environmental issues have grown in importance on the international agenda and become critical components of states' foreign policy-making. This paper aims to analyze environmental foreign policy as a soft power instrument focusing on two major rising powers: China and India. Traditionally, China and India had been reluctant to make any commitments in the field. However, they have shown greater willingness to act in global environmental governance in the past decade. They started playing more active roles in global climate change negotiations and supported a number of initiatives. Their current rise in global environmental governance has even been praised by the international community as the Paris agreement case demonstrated. This study evaluates China's and India's recent efforts in global environmental governance with a focus on climate change negotiations linking their constructive position to their soft power potential. It is argued that environmental issues are used by these two states as foreign policy strategy to gain more influence in international politics. This study finds out that China's climate-related environmental diplomacy has been more ambitious than that of India and thus has been closer to fulfill its potential as a soft power asset.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.91-128
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• 2023

In recent decades, Indonesia and the Middle Eastern countries have increased and expanded their political, security, economic, and socio-cultural ties. Qatar is one of the Middle Eastern countries which have fortified ties with Indonesia. This article aims to analyze the nature and scope of Indonesia-Qatar relations through the five-dimensional framework developed by George Eberling, which consists of political-diplomatic, economic-trade, military-security, cultural, and petroleum-energy relations (Eberling 2017). Despite being significantly distinct in history, demography, geographic size, and location, Jakarta and Doha have been provided opportunities to expand their cooperation on multifaceted dimensions by way of common economic, geopolitical, and cultural interests. Throughout the paper, the primary drivers of the cooperation are also discussed, alongside its future prospects.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• v.8 no.9
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• pp.11-22
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• 2021

This study investigates the long-run relationship between the de jure economic, political, and social globalization and foreign direct investments in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) to establish whether policies that foster trade and investment relations among geographical entities can help revive the GCC countries from the prevailing economic debacles of the COVID-19 pandemic. This study is driven by the GCC's quest to fully overcome the economic challenges occasioned by the outbreak of the global pandemic and position itself as the most potent regional economic bloc in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. The study employs the panel data of the six GCC countries of Bahrain, United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Qatar, Oman, and Saudi Arabia from 1971 to 2017. The findings of the panel fully modified ordinary least square regression estimation show that the de jure economic and social globalization have a significant positive impact on the region's foreign direct investment inflows. The impact of the de jure political globalization on foreign direct investment is statistically significant but negatively signed. Based on the preceding findings, we offer some holistic policy recommendations to the GCC region as recipes for timely recovery from the economic impact of COVID-19 and beyond.

• East European & Balkan Studies
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• v.32
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• pp.257-281
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• 2012

Are the policies and strategies which weak and small states choose to follow for ensuring their's own security meaningless? Can the fate of weak states be guaranteed only by the neighboring benign strong states and be in certain international relations favoring for them? In this paper, to answer these questions, what kinds of security policies and foreign policies had small states chosen which were in the face of threats of great powers will be examined. Between the two world war, the series of event which took place in central and eastern European countries(CEEc) have been selected to examine the hypothesis and theories of international relations and foreign policies, and at the same time cited as examples of failed foreign policy and security strategy. During interwar periods, CEEc were the prime examples for examining what kind of policies and strategies had the small states chosen over the international relations in which the smalls had to struggle to survive between neighbouring the powers and between the hostiles. Furthermore, for the measures which the smalls had chosen had no effect when the great power threatened military to them, the main purpose of this paper is to examine what was the best choose to depend their survival. For this purpose, in this paper, several strategies which the smalls can choose and the counterfactuals, that is "if the smalls chosen another strategies, they could...", will be examined.

• The Journal of Industrial Distribution & Business
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• v.10 no.9
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• pp.7-17
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• 2019

Purpose - In recent years, the bilateral political relationship between Vietnam and India was upgraded to strategic and comprehensive partnership. Thus, the purpose of this paper is to analyze current relations and prospects of the Vietnam-India trade. Research design, data and methodology - The data was mainly based on World Integrated Trade Solution (WITS) and Foreign Investment Agency of Vietnam Ministry of Planning and Investment (FIA) from 2010-2018. The relationship of the two countries has showed growth in all sectors, including trade cooperation. This paper focused on assessing the current relations of trade cooperation of the two countries and then andlyzed the prospects of trade cooperation in the next period. Result - The Indian Government's strategy shifted from "Look East" policy to "Look East" action by the end of 2015. Vietnam is a partner and a pillar of India's Look East policy (Muni, 2011). The governments of both countries should further strengthen exchanges and trade connections in order to provide cooperation opportunities for investors and businesses of the two countries. Conclusion - The paper discusses and gives an overview of the current status of the trade relations of Vietnam and India as well as lucidating the opportunities and challenges for two countries in the future.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.25-57
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• 2019

The paper addresses Erik Cohen's pioneering work on tourism in Thailand, specifically his publications on the relations between Thai women and foreign (farang) men in tourist-oriented encounters. Of sociological-anthropological interest is his conceptualization of these relations as "open-ended prostitution as a skilful game of luck" based on his study of a Bangkok soi (lane) in 1981-1984, and his exploration of Thai culture in terms of ambiguity and contradiction. On the basis of recent ethnographic research in the northern Thai tourist hub of Chiang Mai and wide-ranging observations on tourism development in Thailand, we examine continuity and change in these male-female engagements since Cohen's research, especially in the context of the increasing availability of such electronic agencies as social media, messaging, video chat, and internet dating. Whereas Cohen's concept of ambiguity and illusion has tended to disappear from physical spaces, it seems to have resurfaced in virtual space. The complexities of host-guest relations, and particularly the interactions both within the variegated category of "guests" themselves and then between their "hostesses" are explored in terms of sites of tourism-oriented encounters in both physical and virtual space so as to deconstruct these oppositional categories which have been formative in studies of tourism.

• Journal of the Korea Convergence Society
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• v.12 no.10
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• pp.169-175
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• 2021

This study viewed foreign students as a publics that requires active communication, and analyzed the causal relationship between the antecedent variables (professor competency service, university administrative service) and outcome variables (adaptation to university life) of the university-foreign student relationships. As a result, both the professor competency service and the university administrative service were found to have a positive effect on the university-foreign student relationships. Also, the university-foreign student relationships was found to have a positive effect on adaptation to university life. Based on these results, we discussed the need to set the university-foreign student relationship as a major performance indicator and use it as basic data for developing active communication strategies and messages.