• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.4-19
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• 2012

There remain many royal tombs of the Goryeo Dynasty in Gaeseong and Ganghwa. During the Goryeo Dynasty, these royal tombs were taken over tradition of tomb construction style from previous generation, and they completed their own inventive style. Furthermore they handed down those style to the Joseon Dynasty. The area of tomb was divided into 3 or 4 steps, and stone figures and T-shaped houses for sacrifice were arranged on each steps. It was the stone chamber of lateral opening style which had an entrance to southward, and it was formed as a rectangular box-shaped with a pile of stone walls and a flat ceiling. There was a coffin stand in the middle of floor, and traditional bricks were around them. The wall side and ceiling had been whitewashed and painted pictures. These are general characteristics for the tomb construction style of the Goryeo Dynasty. By the way, we can notice a number of features except those general things with inspection in detail. In early days, we confirmed 1step-parallel fulcrum ceiling, coffin stand of all in one stone, bier of burial artifact, and mural of plant material as a set, but they were changed as flat ceiling, Red-stone wall with rectangular stone, coffin stand set as stone pillar through the period of transitional form as of in the late 12th century. In case of several royal tombs, the fragments of king's epitaph which were confirmed from tombs could be defined owners clearly, and there were considerable timing difference between the large numbers of celadons which were excavated with the fragments of king's epitaph and recording chronologically of stone chamber structure. The reason for timing difference is that posterity artifacts were buried through repairing courses by occasion of destruction caused by robbing of the royal tombs. Meanwhile I inferred the existing hypothesis about owners of royal tombs and autonym ones in comparison the burial spot direction of hypothesis ones and outcomes of excavation. Therethrough, some hypothesis about owners of royal tombs such as Myung-neung which was assumed as tomb of the King Choongmok were not correct.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.4
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• pp.48-63
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• 2013

The results of the study on the space planning and landscape design of Unjoru(雲鳥樓) through the 'Jeolla Gurye Omidong Gado(全羅求禮五美洞家圖)' drawn using GyeHwa(界畵) technique are as follows. First, 'Omidong Gado' is believed to date back to the period when Unjoru(1776~1783) was established for the following reasons: (1) The founder, Yoo-IJu(柳爾?), sent the drawing for the house while he was serving as the governor of YongCheon county(龍川府史). (2) It shows the typical dwelling houses' space division and its location is in a good spot with mountain in the back and water in front(背山臨水) and there is every indication of scheme drawing. (3) Front gate was changed and remodeled to a lofty gate in 1804. Second, Nogodan & Hyeongjebong of Jiri Mountain sit at the back of Unjoru, and faces Obong mountain and Gyejok mountain. In addition, the Dongbang stream flowing to the east well illustrates the Pungsu theory of mountain in the back and water in the front. Third, the house is structured in the shape resembling the character 品, divided into 5 areas by hierarchical order in the cross line from all directions. The site, which includes the outdoor yard and the back garden, consists of 5 blocks, 6 yards and 2 gardens. Fourth, the outdoor yard with aesthetical value and anti-fire function, is an ecological garden influenced by Confucianism and Taoism with a pond (BangJiWonDo Type, 方池圓島形) at the center. Fifth, the Sarang yard(舍廊庭) is decorated with terrace garden and flower garden, and the landscaping components such as oddly shaped stone, crane, plum, pine tree, tamarisk tree and flowering plants were used to depict the ideal fairy land and centrally placed tree for metaphysical symbolism. The upper floor of Sarangchae commands distant and medium range view, as well as upwards and downwards. The natural landscape intrudes inside, and at the same time, connects with the outside. Sixth, pine forest over the northern wall and the intentionally developed low hill are one of the traditional landscaping techniques that promotes pleasant residential environment as well as the aesthetics of balanced fullness.

• Journal of Animal Science and Technology
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• v.61 no.3
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• pp.147-153
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• 2019

A goal for swine farming is the improvement in the number of live-born and weaned piglets per sow. Hence, the effect of parities should consider the correlation between the component traits of reproductive performance, weaning, and duration. Sows were housed in farrowing pens (W 2.2 ${\times}$ D 1.8 ${\times}$ H 1.2 m) on a partially slatted plastic floor. Twenty sows used in this study were between the first and sixth parity in gilts (P1), parity 2-5 (P3), and parity 6-9 (P6). Data collection by parity was classified into three categories: (1) reproduction performance (gestation length, total number of piglets born, number of piglets live born, number of piglets stillborn, total piglet birth weight; (2) weaning traits (weaning period, number of piglets weaning, total piglets weaning weight); (3) duration traits (farrowing duration, placenta expulsion duration, time from last piglet to first placenta, average birth interval, and tail wagging behavior). Gestation length was higher in P6 than P1 and P3 of different parity sows. The maximum value in P1 and P3 was 117 days, but the median value in P6 was 117 days (p < 0.05). The total number of piglets born (p = 0.113), number of piglets live born (p = 0.118), number of still piglets born (p = 0.151), and total piglet birth weight (p = 0.117) were not affected by parity. The number of live piglets was higher than the other parities by an average of $15.6{\pm}2.1$ in P1. The duration of farrowing was the lowest at 22.2 min in P6, but the maximum value was 42.2 min more than other parities (p = 0.355). Weaning traits of sows also did not differ significantly (p > 0.05), but the weaning period from P1 was lower than that of the other parities (p = 0.170). The number of piglets weaned was 10 heads on average in P1, P3, and P6 (p < 0.05). However, the mean values of the total piglet weaning weight (p = 0.377) of P6 (62.0 10.4 kg) were higher than those of P1 (54.9 10.2 kg) and P3 (58.4 13.6 kg). The placenta expulsion duration was higher in P6 than that in P1 and P3 (p = 0.447). The time from the last piglet to first placenta was be lower in P3 than that of the other parities (p = 0.206). The average birth interval was higher in P3 than that of the other parities (p = 0.156). Tail wagging (count) behavior was higher in P6 than in the other parities (p = 0.065). The data showed that the reproduction performance, total piglets born, and weight were higher in the gilts group, and higher in the weaning trait than that in the P6 group. This study examined the relationship between reproductive performance, birth interval and tail motion according to sow parity. Regarding duration, farrowing duration was lower in P6 than that in the other parities, but placenta expulsion and tail wagging were higher in P6 than in the other parities. Therefore, it is possible that the results from these sows could be used as basic data for effective farm management.

• Korean Journal of Poultry Science
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• v.46 no.3
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• pp.205-213
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• 2019

The objective of this experiment was to investigate the effect of dietary apparent metabolizable energy and protein concentrations on growth performance, carcass characteristics, and nutrient digestibility of Korean native ducks. In $2{\times}2$ factorial arrangement, 1-d-old Korean native ducks were completely randomized to experimental diets with 2,800 and 2,900 kcal of AMEn/kgofdiet, respectively, from 0 to 21 d of age. From 22 to 56 d of age, experimental diets 3,000 and 3,100 kcal of, and contained 16% and 17% CP, respectively. Feed and water were provided ad libitum. And BW gain were higher during 0 to 21 d (P<0.01) in AME 2,800 kcal/kg and CP 21% diet treatment than other treatments. As AME increased from 2,800 to 2,900 kcal/kg, feed intake was decreased (P<0.05) during 0 to 21 d. From 22 to 56 d of age, the, BW gain, feed intake and were not different among the treatments. Carcass ratio, relative weight per 100 of BW (wing, back, neck, breast, and leg), nutrient digestibility, meat color and nutrient composition in breast meat the treatments. In conclusion, diets with 2,800 kcal of AME/kg and 21% CP or with 3,000 kcal of AME/kg and 17% CP at 0 to 21 d and 22 to 56 d, respectively, were more efficient.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.1
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• pp.4-23
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• 2015

In the Buddhist paintings of the four devas, there is a change in the paper material of V aisravana(多聞天) in the early Joseon Dynasty. Until Goryeo Dynasty, Damuncheonwang, who holds a tower(塔) on the right side of Buddha was changed to the form which holds a mandolin(琵琶) in the early Joseon Dynasty. This change was first checked in Byeonsangdo in the Yuan period "The Avatamska Sutra(大方廣佛華嚴經, 1330~1336)", however the actual paper material change in the Buddhist painting is found first as a mural at the Tibetan temples, Cheolbangsa(哲蚌寺), Odunsa(吳屯寺), Baekgeosa(白居寺), which showed the change of tower which Vaisravaṇa held into mongoose. In Joseon Dynasty, also, new distribution of the four devas appeared first, which showed the change of paper material in the first floor roof-stones of Wongaksaji sipcheung seoktap, . However, the position of the four devas which held a tower and a mandolin consistently appear in the Buddhist paintings in the early Joseon Dynasty by mixing on the left and the right. This means the possibility that the paper material and the position of the four devas might be flexible in the early Joseon Dynasty. Just like reflecting this, painting image of the four devas in illustration of "saddharma-pundari-ka-$s{\bar{u}}tra$(Ming 1432, National Museum of Korea)" and illustration of "Jebulsejonyeorae-bosaljonjamyeongching-gagok(제불세존여래 보살존자명칭가곡, 1417)" has opposite position from each other. Therefore, the phenomenon in the Buddhist paintings of the early Joseon had a transitional characteristic which did not secure the fixed form of painting image by illustration of two copies where paper materials of the four devas were different, which characteristic can be said to be the characteristic of art in the transitional period.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.2
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• pp.94-115
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• 2017

'Arirang folk song in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea' was inscribed to the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2014 and 'Tradition of kimchi-making in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea' followed in 2015. It is presumed that North Korea was influenced by the Republic of Korea inscribing 'Arirang, lyrical folk song in the Republic of Korea' to the list in 2012 as well as 'Kimjang, making and sharing kimchi in the Republic of Korea' in 2013. These cases show the necessity (or possibility) of cultural exchanges between the two Koreas through UNESCO ICH lists. The purpose of this article is to explore the possibility of inter-Korean cultural integration. Therefore, I would like to review UNESCO's ICH policy and examine the ways of cooperation and joint nominations to the Representative List of Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity between the two Koreas. First, I reviewed the amendments to the laws and regulations of the two Koreas and how the two countries applied the UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage. Although the cultural exchange is a non-political field, given the situation between South and North Korea, it is influenced by politics. Therefore, we devised a stepwise development plan, divided into four phases: infrastructure development, cooperation and promotion, diversification, and policymaking and alternative development. First a target group will be needed. In this regard, joint nominations to the Representative List of the UNESCO Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity will be suitable for cooperation. Both countries have already started separate nominations on shared ICH elements to the UNESCO lists. Therefore, I have selected a few elements as examples that can be considered for joint nominations. The selected items are makgeolli (traditional liquor), jang (traditional soybean sauce), gayangju (homebrewed liquor), gudeul (Korean floor heating system), and jasu (traditional embroidery). Cooperation should start with sharing information on ICH elements. A pilot project for joint nomination can be implemented and then a mid-term plan can be established for future implementation. When shared ICH elements are inscribed on UNESCO ICH lists, various activities can be considered as follow-ups, such as institution visits, performances, exhibitions, and joint monitoring of the intangible cultural heritage. Mutual cooperation of the two Koreas' intangible cultural heritage will be a unique example between the divided countries, so its value will be recognized as a symbol of cultural cooperation. In addition, it will be a foundation for cultural integration of the two Koreas, and it will show the value of their unique ICH to the world. At the same time, it will become a good example for joint nominations to the Representative List recommended by UNESCO.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.3
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• pp.74-93
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• 2019

The Bird Track Site in the Haman Formation in Yongsanri (Natural Monument No. 222) was reported on the named Koreanaornis hamanensis and Jindongornipes kimi sauropod footprint Brontopodus and ichnospecies Ochlichnus formed by Nematoda. This site has outstanding academic value because it is where the second-highest number of bird tracks have been reported in the world. However, only 25% of the site remains after being designated a natural monument in 1969. This is due to artificial damage caused by worldwide fame and quarrying for flat stone used in Korean floor heating systems. The Haman Formation, including this fossil site, has lithofacies showing reddish-grey siltstone and black shale, alternately. The boundary of the two rocks is progressive, and sedimentary structures like ripple marks and sun cracks can clearly be found. This site was divided into seven formations according to sedimentary sequences and structures. The results of a nondestructive deterioration evaluation showed that chemical and biological damage rates were very low for all formations. Also, physical damage displayed low rates with 0.49% on exfoliation, 0.04% on blistering, 0.28% on break-out; however, the joint crack index was high, 6.20. Additionally, efflorescence was observed on outcrops at the backside and the northwestern side. Physical properties measured by an indirect ultrasonic analysis were found to be moderately weathered (MW). Above all, the southeastern side was much fresher, though some areas around the column of protection facility appeared more weathered. Furthermore, five kinds of discontinuity surface can be found at this site, with the bedding plane showing the higher share. There is the possibility of toppling failure occurring at this site but stable on plane and wedge failure by means of stereographic projection. We concluded that the overall level of deterioration and stability were relatively fine. However, continuous monitoring and conservation treatment and management should be performed as situations such as the physicochemical weathering of the fossil layer, and the efflorescence of the mortar adjoining the protection facility's column appear to be challenging to control.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.36
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• pp.5-38
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• 2003

The history of Baekje Kingdom, one of the Three kingdoms, is divided into three periods to the change of sociopolitical center, including its capital as follows: Hanseong Period (18 BC ~ AD 475), Ungjin Period (AD 475~538), and Sabi Period (AD 538~660). Though the Hanseong Period of Baekje Kingdom covers more than two thirds of the whole history of Baekje Kingdom (493 years), history and archaeological culture of the Hanseong Period is still unclear and even ambiguous comparing to the Ungjin and Sabi periods. Most of all, it is because of quite limited historical records and archaeological data available. In addition, negative attitude of the Korean academic circles to the early records of Samguksaki(三國史記) has been a critical obstacle to the study of early history of the Three kingdoms, including the Hanseong Period of Baekje kingdom. Author, who has attempted to combine historical records and archaeological data in order to reconstruct the history and archaeological culture of the early Baekje, specifically the Hanseong Period, has held positive attitude to the early records of the Samguksaki as far as possible. He(Author) came to realize that comprehensive understanding of Mahan (馬韓) society, one of the Three Han (三韓) Society was more than essential in the study of Baekje. According to historical records and archaeological data, Mahan Society represented by Mojiguk(目支國) ruled by King Jin(辰王) has been located in the middle and/or southwestern parts of the Korean peninsula from the 3rd~2nd century BC through the end of the 5th century or early 6th century AD. Mahan already occupied central portion of the Korean Peninsula, including the Han River Valley when King Onjo(溫祖王) first set up the capital of Baekje Kingdom at Wiryeseong (慰 禮城) considered to be modern Jungrang~Songpa-gu area of Han River Valley. From the beginning of the Baekje history, there had been quite close interrelationships between Baekje and Mahan, and the interrelationships had lasted for around 500 years. In other words, it is impossible to attempt to understand and study Hanseong period of Baekje, without considering the historical and archaeological identity of Mahan. According to the Samguksaki, Baekje moved its capital three times during the Hanseong Period (18 BC ~ AD 475) within the Han River Valley as follows: Wiryeseong at Jungrang-gu area of the Han River (河北慰禮城, 18 ~ 5 BC), Wiryeseong at Songpa-gu area of the Han River(河南慰禮城, 5 BC ~ AD 371), Hansan at Iseongsan fortress site(Historical site No. 422, 漢山, AD 371~391), and Hanseong at Chungung-dong of Hanam city(漢城, AD 391~475). Before 1990s, archaeological data of the Hanseong Period was quite limited, and archaeological culture of Mahan was not well defined. Only a few burial and fortress sites were reported to be archaeological remains of the early Baekje, and a few settlement and jar burial sites were assumed to be those of Mahan without clear definition of the Mahan Culture. Since 1990s, fortunately, a number of new archaeological sites of Hanseong Baekje and Mahan have been reported and investigated. Thanks to the new discoveries, there has been significant progress in the study of early Baekje and Mahan. In particular, a number of excavations of Pungnap-dong Fortress site(Historical site NO. 11, 1996~2003), considered to be the Wiryeseong at south of the Han River, the second capital of the Hanseong Baekje, provided critical archaeological evidence in the study of Hanseong Period of Baekje. Since the end of the 1990s, a number of sites have been reported in Gyeonggi, Chungcheong, and Jeolla provinces, as well. From these sites, archaeological features and artifacts representing distinctive cultural tradition of Mahan have been identified such as unstamped fortresses, pit houses cut into the rock, houses with lifted floor(掘立柱 건물), and potteries decorated with toothed wheel and bird's footprint designs. These cultural traditions reflected in the archaeological remains played a critical role to define and understand archaeological identity of the Mahan society. Moreover, archaeological data from these new sites reported in the middle and southwestern parts of the Korean Peninsular made it possible to postulate a hypothesis that the history of Mahan could be divided into three periods to the change of its sociopolitical center in relation with the Baekje Kingdom's political Situation as follows: Cheonan (天安) Period, Iksan(益山) Period, and Naju(羅州) Period. The change of Mahan's sociopolitical center is closely related to the sociopolitical expansion of the Hanseong Baekje.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.38
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• pp.305-327
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• 2005

Although the stone pagoda in Mireuk Temple site, Iksan, Cholla Province has been collapsed long time ago, few historical record has clearly explained the reason why the pagoda was collapsed and when. The west side of the pagoda have been destroyed from top to the sixth floor and the broken or damaged stone materials have been piled up in disorder. the lower part in the west was reinforced and enclosed by a stone embankment levelled to the height of the first storey of the pagoda. With no record informing the historical fact when it was made and by whom, it is only presumed that the embankment may have been built long time ago in order to prevent remains from further destruction. In the second chapter of the study, it has been tried to restore a reasonable historical background of the pagoda based on records or comments found in literatures such as traditional poetry and essays in chronological order. The collapsed slope in the west side, just above the embankment surrounding the lower part of the pagoda, was concreted in 1915 during the Japanese colonial period. Then in 1998, the Jeollabukdo has examined the structural safety of the pagoda. The Cultural Properties Committee has decided have the concrete layer removed and moreover to take apart the whole pagoda. It is also included that the disassembled stone materials should be given proper conservation treatments before being put into the place where they were in the reassembling process. The front view of the collapsed phase of the pagoda was revealed when the concrete-covered layer was removed. A hypothesis was built that there may be as many different appearances of collapsed pagoda depending on natural causes such as earthquake, sunken foundation, flood and typhoon. In chapter three, characteristic features were classified by examining various images of pagodas destroyed by different natural reasons mentioned in historical records. The chapter four dealt with comparison and analysis on the conditions shown in the stone pagoda in Mireuk Temple site and other examples studied in advance. The result of the study revealed that though having been made higher than the ground surface, the podium or the base of the pagoda actually has been eroded by rain and water. The erosion is supposed not only to have been proceeded for a long time without break but also to have caused the first storey body stone in the west inclined to outward. It has come to a conclusion that the pagoda may have been lead to collapse when the first storey body stone, supporting the whole weight from the upper storeys, became out of upright position and lost its balance. However, no such distinctive features of structural changes shown in pagodas collapsed by natural causes like earthquake, typhoon or sunken basement, have been found in the stone pagoda in Mireuk Temple site.

• Journal of Korean Tunnelling and Underground Space Association
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.167-175
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• 2019

To effectively deal with the fire in tunnel which is mostly the vehicle fire, it's more important to suppress the fire at early stage. In urban tunnel, however, accessibility to the scene of fire by the fire fighter is very limited due to severe traffic congestion which causes the difficulty with firefighting activity in timely manner and such a problem would be further worsened in underground road (double-deck tunnel) which has been increasingly extended and deepened. In preparation for the disaster in Korea, the range of life safety facilities for installation is defined based on category of the extension and fire protection referring to risk hazard index which is determined depending on tunnel length and conditions, and particularly to directly deal with the tunnel fire, fire extinguisher, indoor hydrant and sprinkler are designated as the mandatory facilities depending on category. But such fire extinguishing installations are found inappropriate functionally and technically and thus the measure to improve the system needs to be taken. Particularly in a double-deck tunnel which accommodates the traffic in both directions within a single tunnel of which section is divided by intermediate slab, the facility or the system which functions more rapidly and effectively is more than important. This study, thus, is intended to supplement the problems with existing tunnel life safety system (fire extinguishing) and develop the remote-controlled automatic fire extinguishing system which is optimized for a double-deck tunnel. Consequently, the system considering low floor height and extended length as well as indoor hydrant for a wide range of use have been developed together with the performance verification and the process for commercialization before applying to the tunnel is underway now.