• 한국식생활문화학회지
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• 제11권4호
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• pp.439-454
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• 1996

The present study investigated Bul-Chun-Wi Sacrificial Ritual (sacrificial service which has been handed down from generation to generation to worship the family ancestors in the period of $1400{\sim}1800$) and foods for the sacrificial service among fourteen head families in Andong area. The findings are as follows; 1. In Bul-Chun-Wi Sacrificial Rituals, family shrine has been maintained in good shape, and the table, dishes, and foods used in the rituals have not been changed so much until these days. 2. While vegetable soup is widely used as soup, one family uses the seaweed soup, the other soup mixed with meat, fish, and vegetable. Specially soybean-powdered soup, which is the distinguishable food in Andong area, has been used. 3. As a basic Ddock, mainly Si-Ru-Ddock(a steamed rice cake), piled up to 13-15 stacks, is used. Additional 7-9 kinds of Ddock are placed on top of the basic Ddock. 4. For grilled-meat food(Geuck), eight families use the raw meat, and one family uses the half-cooked meat. Recently, five families have used the cooked meat. Mostly used ones are meat-Geuck, fish-Geuck, chicken-Geuck, and the Geuck are not served one by one. Instead the Geuck are stacked in one dish designed for Geuck in order of meats from poultry, animal, fish, and shell. As the sub-dishes for rice, raw and cooked Geuck are used. 5. The number of stew (Tang) are 3 to 6 and 5 stews is the most popular. Commonly used stews are meat stew, fish stew, chicken stew, vegetable stew, blood stew, and organs stew. For the vegetable stew, buckwheat gel can be used. 6. As the fruit, chinese date, pear, nut and dried persimmons are the basic ones. The even number of 6 or 8 colorful fruits are used, while the odd number of 7 or 9 colorful fruits are used in three head families. 7. As Sik-Hae which is a drink and made from fermented rice, rice Sik-Hae or fish Sik-Hae has been necessarily used. 8. As raw meat dish, the liver of cow or meat is used. As a wrapping materials, the reticulum of a ruminant, green seaweed or thinly fried egg can be used.

• 가족자원경영과 정책
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• 제10권1호
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• pp.17-32
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• 2006

This essay has attempted to document the actual behavior patterns and the social networks related to the child delivery in the pre-industrial Korean society. We interviewed 30 women who had given birth to their first child during the 1930s and the 1940s in order to accumulate data related to son-prayer rites, prenatal care and food avoidance, sacred-string culture, and other incantation rituals. The characteristics of the social relationships with the person who had assisted the delivery and the recovery were also analyzed in terms of kinship networks. The results are as follows. First, there was a big gap between knowledge and the actual practices in birth rituals and customs. We assume that this is due to the adverse social-economic conditions at that time which may have restricted the actual performances of these customs. Second, there were almost no differences of the performance of these' birth customs between the urban areas and the rural areas. Third, the people who assisted the delivery were women who were mostly from the husband's family. Help from the wife's family were quite exceptional. Finally, it has been found out that only about half of the women who were interviewed performed the well-known custom of three-week after-birth confinement.

• 동아시아식생활학회지
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• 제25권4호
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• pp.549-564
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• 2015

This study was conducted on the head family house of Panseogong coterie of Andong Kwon clans in Daksil village, Bongwha gun, Kyungbuk: historical sources survey and field visit over four rounds were conducted from March to June 2014. In-depth interview, storytelling, and nutrition facts were used as methods of research using 49 participants, and the potentials of trend goods were the main purpose of this research. The specialties of bongwha prefecture in the Chosun Dynasty were pine nut, manna lichen, ginseng, sweetfish, and wild honey. Ritual food bulcheonwi's offerings a feature in Choongjae Kwonbeol's head family - were sacred wine, me, gang, otang, myun, myunjeok, pyunjeok, pyunchung, pyun, po, chungpomook, dojeok, sookchae, ssam, chimchai, sikhye, chogwa, silgwa, soojunggwa, etc. The ritual foods of bulcheonwi's head family house Choongjae Kwonbeol were commercialized through storytelling. Choongjae Kwonbeol's ritual ceremonies, recognized for their national royalty, were reorganized as the traditional Korean table settings, so that the Korean people could easily access them. The special meal called "Geumgyeporansang" represented the head family house foods' essence to share and serve others through the Dacshil village's natural beauty, Bonghwa's local ingredients, and festivities after the "Chungjae Gwunbal Bulchun" rituals. The ritual foods called "Cheongamjungsang", utilizing "Chungjae Gwunbal Bulchun" rituals, were represented in the form of a lunch box: such foods illustrate the classical scholar's mindset that enjoys the nature and arts through education and virtue.

• Journal of Hospice and Palliative Care
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• 제1권1호
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• pp.1-5
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• 1998

Grief is the ordinarily self-limited complex of symptoms and processes that constitute the acute reaction to a significant loss. And it is the reaction of the dying as well as the bereaved. Every culture has had its own ways of grief and mourning. The definition of healthy grief and mourning, in terms of both emotional expression and the length of time it should continue, mostly depend upon the type of culture as well as the type of religion. So the manner of grief and mourning greatly differs from culture to culture. In the most of the Asian countries, influenced by Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism, death is traditionally considered the most significant life cycle transition. In Chinese culture, many rituals have evolved to help family members deal with their loss, over the past five thousand years. Confucianism taught the virtues of filial piety and righteousness. These rules and many customs added since the time of Cofucius, have been loyally followed and practiced by many Asian people. However, Buddhists have different ideas. They believe in karma and reincarnation and in predetermination of one's present life by good or bad deeds in the present life and past lives. Display of uncontrollable emotion is not encouraged. Continuity of family relations after death is very important. The ancient practice of the ancestor worship is still followed in many Asian households. Many Buddhist do not practice ancestor worship; family members honor the deceased by placing a memorial plate in the temple for continued chanting purposes. The mourning rituals have been dramatically curtailed in the past 50 years. For example, political, social and economic forces have shaped the current mourning practices of Chinese in different countries. There are many clinical implications in helping Asian to deal better with the emotional strains of the experience of loss. The therapiest must respect the cultural framework through which the client perceives family losses.

• 동양고전연구
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• 제68호
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• pp.209-235
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• 2017

본고는 박세채의 예론과 고금절충론적 특징을 살펴보기 위해 작성되었다. 박세채는 현종대 기해예송, 민신의 대복사건, 갑인예송 등에서 송시열의 주장 및 서인예론에 동조하는 입장이었다가 이후 숙종 대 효종세실의, 태조추시의 등에서 송시열의 주장에 대한 신중론 및 비판을 제기하여 서인예론에서 탈피하는 경향을 보인다. 이는 그가 저술한 예학설을 통해서도 검토할 수 있다. 생애 전반에 저술한 "복제사의(服制私議)"(1660), "부사위조위모이복의(父死爲祖爲母異服議)"(1667) 등과 생애 후반에 저술한 "국휼졸곡전장제설(國恤卒哭前葬祭說)"(1683), "관서혼상계약속(關西昏喪契約束)"(1686), "상제치역두설(喪祭値疫痘說)"(1690) 등을 비교함으로써 그의 고금절충론적 특징에 미묘한 변화가 있음을 확인할 수 있다. 그의 예론은 고례(古禮)["의례(儀禮)"], 금례(今禮)["주자가례(朱子家禮)"], 시제(時制)[국제(國制)]를 절충하는 특징을 지니고 있는데, 현종대 서인예론을 주장하던 시기에는 금례를 중심으로 고례와 시제를 절충하다가, 숙종대 서인예론을 탈피하면서 점차 시제를 중시하는 경향을 띄기 시작한다. 요약하자면, 그의 예론은 금례를 중심으로 고례와 시제를 검토하던 고금절충론에서 시제를 중심으로 고례와 금례를 검토하는 고금절충론으로 변화해갔다고 할 수 있다.

• Human Ecology Research
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• 제59권2호
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• pp.169-183
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• 2021

The purpose of this study was to examine the association between family meals and family strengths (cohesion and flexibility) in Korean families with school-aged children. We focused on five dimensions of family meals: frequency, family rituals, communication, rules and roles, and perceptions. Our data came from 619 mothers who were married with at least one child in elementary school. Our multiple regression analyses showed that mothers reported higher levels of both cohesion and flexibility when they gave a higher priority to family meals, made family meals a ritual, had conversations on diverse topics during family meals, or experienced lower levels of meal-related stress. In addition, higher levels of family flexibility were found when a family had more structured rules related to family meals and the father more regularly participated in meal-related housework. This study contributes to the literature by understanding the roles of family meals from a multi-dimensional perspective.

• 건축역사연구
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• 제29권6호
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• pp.79-88
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• 2020

During the Joseon Dynasty, the rituals that were celebrated in the palaces were mainly held inside the palace and in the courtyard of the palace. Mats were spread on the floor of the place where the ritual was held. The mats spread in the Joseon Dynasty rituals divided the space in various ways, and in particular, they were spread in a certain form in the spaces of royal wedding, customs, and court banquet. Mats were the primary physical element that divided the royal ritual space of the Joseon Dynasty, and functioned to elevate the general space to the ritual space. In the ritual space, mats were spread inside the palace, and divided the courtyard of the palace into left and right in a symmetrical form to distinguish the hierarchy of the participants. Mats with special and white patterns were spread in the external ceremonial space and mats with flower and colorful patterns were spread in the internal ceremonial space. This was the subdivision of the Confucianism's male-female division through the mat. The pattern of the mat that divided the space of the royal family elders also meant longevity to reflect the filial thoughts of the Confucianism through the mat. Mats were a physical element for subdividing the royal family and the participants in the hierarchy of the space where the ritual is held, and it also performed a subdividing function between the royal participants. In other words, in the Joseon Dynasty ritual space, mats were temporarily spread while the ritual is being celebrated and functioned to elevate the space to a ritual space. It is confirmed that the fact that the mats were temporarily spread to divide the space into the hierarchies according to the status and were subdivided into colors and patterns to perform the function to reflect the subdivision of the royal family according to Confucianism and the statue of filial piety in the ritual.

• 가족자원경영과 정책
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• 제12권2호
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• pp.153-171
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• 2008

This study examined university students' view on the importance of attending rituals of congratulation or condolence in social life, and the extent to which they recognized the manners of offering congratulation or condolence. It also looked into the plans and content of education on such manners required by the students. The study aimed at seeking a direction for education on the manners of offering congratulation or condolence in order to help the students acquire an appropriate conception of offering congratulation or condolence and contribute to firmly establishing a sound culture of conveying congratulation or condolence. The following results were obtained in the study. 1. One a five-point scale, university students' recognitions of the importance of attending rituals of congratulation or condolence were revealed as follows: attending condolence rituals(4.55) > attending wedding ceremonies(4.30) > visiting sick acquaintances(4.03) > attending birthday parties (3.50) > attending openings(3.47) > attending promotion or retirement parties(3.42). 2. One a five-point scale, university students' recognitions of the manners of offering congratulation or condolence in social life were as follows: the manners of attending condolence rituals(4.20) > the manners of attending wedding ceremonies(4.06) > the manners of attending promotion or retirement parties(3.9) > the manners of attending openings(3.80) > the manners of attending birthday parties(3.69) > the manners of visiting sick acquaintances(3.44). 3. One a five-point scale, university students' requirements for the content of education on the manners of conveying congratulation and condolence were as follows: education on the manners of attending condolence rituals(4.08) > education on the manners of visiting sick acquaintances(3.35) > education on the manners of attending wedding ceremonies(3.27) > education on the manners of attending promotion and retirement parties(2.96) > education on the manners of attending birthday parties(2.91) > education on the manners of attending openings(2.91). 4. One a five-point scale, university students' requirements for the plan for education on the manners of conveying congratulation and condolence were as follows: 'The education content should be applicable in real life'(4.42) > 'The education content should be easily understandable' (4.23) > 'Information or materials related to the education content should be easily accessible'(4.01) > 'The theory and actual practice of education should be taught in parallel' (3.96) > 'Education related materials should be utilized'(3.92) > 'Students' demands should be reflected when structuring the content of education'(3.91). 5. The study examined the relationship among university students' recognitions of the importance of attending rituals of congratulation or condolence, their recognitions of the manners of offering congratulation or condolence, and their demands regarding such manners. According to the results, a static relationship was found in all sub-areas, indicating students show higher recognition of practicing manners of conveying congratulation or condolence as they have higher recognition of attending rituals of congratulation or condolence in social life. In addition, higher recognition of practicing manners of conveying congratulation or condolence made them demand more for the necessity of plan and content of education on the manners of offering congratulation or condolence in university.

• 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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• 제53권1호
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• pp.184-203
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• 2020

조선 개국 후 유교적 가치관으로 성장한 통치 계급에게 불교 의례는 이른바 '위험한 축제'로 인식되었다. 의례는 출생에서 죽음에 이르는 삶의 중요한 전환점에서 다음 단계로의 이행을 도왔고, 제의를 통해 공동체의 결속을 강하게 했다. 의례 공간에는 도량을 신비로운 공간으로 변화시키는 다양한 공양구와 기물이 장엄되고 범음구와 범패가 어우러졌다. 그 중에서도 불교 회화는 기층민에게 강한 효력을 지닌 시각 매체로 적극 활용되었다. 생사의 인과응보를 담은 <시왕도>의 사례에서 볼 수 있듯이 의식이 마련된 도량에 불화를 헌괘하고 이를 생생하게 설명해주는 '관청(觀聽)'에 대한 수요로 불화의 기능은 더욱 확대되었다. 천도 의례 장면을 담은 <감로도>에는 왕실과 종친의 모습이 강조되어 표현되었다. 중국의 수륙화에서 이 도상은 수륙재에 봉청(奉請)하는 존귀한 대상 중 한 그룹이었으나 16세기 <감로도>에는 왕실의 후원을 상징하며 국행 수륙재의 역사성과 전통을 입증하는 존재로 도해된다. 왕실 후원은 불교 의례에 대한 사회적 공인과 같았고, 이러한 메시지를 드러내고 싶은 흔적이 <감로도>에 남아있다. 의례에 대한 위정자(爲政者)들의 경계는 표면적으로는 군중이 참여하는 의례 공간에 승속(僧俗), 남녀, 신분의 귀천(貴賤)이 함께 어우러지기에 예의가 무너지고 풍기가 문란해질 것이라는 우려였다. 또한 일상으로부터의 일탈, 금기로 부터의 해방이라는 축제의 요소와도 밀접한 관련이 있다. 시각 매체는 특별한 힘을 지니고 있다고 인식되었기에 그 힘을 이용하고자 하는 측과 위험성을 우려하는 시선이 공존했다. 실록(實錄)의 기록에서 위험성을 강조하며 불화를 불태우고 불화를 그린 자를 잡아오도록 하는 일련의 조치나, 도성이 텅 비도록 군중들이 모여든 기록은 역설적이게도 불교 의례가 반드시 참여해야 하는 축제의 장으로 인식됐음을 반증한다. 불교 의례는 생의 순환 단계에서 유교가 대체할 수 없는 종교적 기능을 지니고 있기에 쉽게 사라질 수 없었고, 공동체를 통합하는 축제의 요소는 더욱 강화되었다. 조선 후기 <감로도>에는 17세기부터 본격화되는 사당패나 연희패가 도해되고 의례의 현장감이 생생하게 반영되었다. 불행한 죽음을 위로하던 불교 의식은 해마다 일정한 시기에 마련되어 일상의 고단함을 털고 휴식을 취할 수 있는 축제의 장으로 자리 잡았다. 유교 국가의 정책적 탄압에 '위험한 축제'로 인식되던 불교 의례가 정례적인 세시풍속이자 공동체의 축제로 수용되는 과정을 불교 회화에 재현된 시선의 변화에서 확인할 수 있다.

• 한국연극학
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• 제40호
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• pp.5-27
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• 2010

The Korean Mask-Dance Theatre has been developed closely related to Korean Shaman rituals. As many scholars noticed, the performers of the Mask-Dance Theatre were closely related to the Shaman family. In addition, there are mask-dance performances in actual shaman rituals. and are the representative performances among them. This essay intends to compare these two mask-dance performances in the shaman rituals to the similar performance of Old Grandpa and Grandma episode in the regional Mask-Dance Theatre. This study would bring us further in proving the close relation between the shaman ritual and the Mask-Dance Theatre. is one episode, Keori, in the shaman ritual of 'Baeyeonsin-kut' and 'Taedong-kut' in the mid-west seashore area. 'Taedong-kut' is the village shaman ritual for fertility and prosperity, while 'Baeyeonsin-kut' is a private shaman ritual for a large catch of the ship. is held in the later part of the whole shaman ritual since the later part tend to be more for entertainment than actual ritual. The story of is very similar that of in Pongsan Mask-Dance Theatre of the mid-west region. In addition, some of their dialogues are very similar. Only the later part is different. These similarities indicate that the Mask-Dance Theatre, which came into being in later period than the shaman ritual, has likely taken the story motif of the shaman ritual. is also a performance in the shaman ritual of east coasts. is more elaborate and recreational than of the west coasts. is also performed near the end of the ritual, and sometimes it is not performed at all. This indicates that has little ritual meaning left. When we compare it with the regional Mask-Dance Theatres such as Keosung Okwangdae, Tongyong Okwangdae, and Suyong Yaryu, the structure and the story lines are also very similar. It is a question why only the motif of the Grandpa and Grandma isfound both in the shaman ritual and the Mask-Dance Theatre. Many other motifs of other episodes in the Mask-Dance Theatre are not found in the shaman rituals. It seems that the Grandpa and Grandma motif is related to the ur-belief in fertility. In other words, this motif seems to be originated from the old belief in the fertility couple of Chonha Taechanggun and Jiha Yeochanggun. The shaman ritual for fertility first picked up this motif, and then the mask-dance theatre also adapted this motif for its recreational purpose. When we compare with , still has more aspects of fertility ritual, while lost its ritualistic meaning and its main purpose is to develop dramatic needs. and are invaluable existent performances to prove theatre's origin in ritual. The existence of mask-dance performances in the shaman rituals shows us the transit performance between theatre and ritual.