• Culinary science and hospitality research
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.135-154
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• 2004

This study surveyed ancestral service preparation and sacrificial consciousness of housewives living in Pusan and Yeosu area. Statistical analysis of chi-square test was carried out by using SAS program. The results are summarized as follows. l. In major general characteristics of subjects, the forties(35.56%), Buddhism (57.79%), high school education(52.54%), a couple with children(63.45%) were the most abundant. 2. The time of sacrificial rites in both areas was usually hold from 23:00 to 01:00 (47.16%). The housewives having a job hold earlier the service than the full-time housewives(p<0.05). 3. The range of ancestor-memorial rites was usually up to 3rd generation(34.47%). The leader of sacrificial ceremony was mainly the eldest grandson by the eldest son (78.28%) in the old subjects and a person of wealth in the young subjects(p<0.05). 4. There were more positive answers for the necessity of a sacrificial ceremony (57.32%). Older than 50 years of subjects thought the sacrificial rites should be held(70.77%), while as the age of subjects was younger, they realized less necessity for that(p<0.05). Sacrificial consciousness was higher in Buddhists than the other religionists(p<0.0001). The sacrificial rites was thought to be needed for their harmonious family(50.43%). Younger subjects thought that it is necessary to succeed that as the tradition, while older housewives thought that it would contribute toward peace in their family(p<0.05). Buddhists and Christians answered that it was good for harmonious family, and Catholics and the others for tradition(p<0.01). Their consideration of sacrificial rites in the future was higher in keeping the traditional practice (37.04%) and Buddhists took higher these consideration(43.17%). Considering the sacrificial consciousness, there were statistical differences among the religionists (p<0.0001). The eldest daughter-in-raw had a different opinion about the following up the method of sacrificial ceremony from second eldest daughter-in-raw and the next one(p<0.05). The housewives in Pusan were showing more the affirmative attitudes to keep the traditional practice than those in Yeosu.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.1 no.2 s.2
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• pp.39-51
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• 1992

Eating was done on a respective one-man dining table, which reflect the esteem for the individual. The family eating place was generally An-bang of the house, The eating space of Yang-ban housing with its hierarchical, spatial method of tabling and eating around the head of the family served as a synchronically meaningful space which was to strengthen the solidarity of patriarchy beyond the mere funtioning place of eating. That meaning seems to reveal itself more conspicuously when we consider that the eating place is An-bang, the center of the main house. The basic space for cooking was Bu-oak (Chung-ji). Thre was no water-supply system or drainage in the kitchen, so all the water needed for cooking was drawn from outdoor well with a bucket. The traditional eating habits, the entertainment for the bustling guests, and the frequent sacrificial rites required many store rooms for the subasidiary food and wide space for putting food into order.

• Fashion & Textile Research Journal
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.144-152
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• 2004

In this study, the settlement of this etiquette book and the five-class mourning-costume system throughout two dynasties is examined and analyzed.; According to the Chosun dynasty's efforts to practice Chu-Ja-Ga-Rye(朱子家禮, Chu Hsi's Book of Family Rituals) through legal intensification and enlightenment policies, the book's teachings had a general effect on society at large. As a result, the family system and funeral rites turned Confucian from a Shaman-Buddhist mixture. As the Confucian order was strengthened to highlight the authority of the male family head, the funeral rituals were based on Chu Hsi's Book of Family Rituals. So, the 100-day funeral of Koryo turned into the 3-year funeral in the Chosun dynasty. Also, the main and father's lines were valued, while the mother's and wife's lines were neglected. Even though there was no great difference of status or place between males and females in the Koryo dynasty, the settlement of Chu-Ja-Ga-Rye brought about the drop of women's status as they gradually began to be dependent on men.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.65-89
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• 2018

This paper was triggered by the idea that the culture of ancestral rites and the patrilocality, which entail the excessive sacrifice on the part of the wife, that eventually led to the coinage of the expression, "housewives' holiday stress," is perhaps not the age-old traditions it claim to be, but rather a recent phenomenon. The purpose of this paper is to reveal that the loss of housewife's authority is the product of "becoming yangban (aristocrats)," which was a culture that was in fashion in the late Joseon dynasty. Until the late Joseon dynasty, women, in particular, the married women maintained an autonomous life which allowed them the authority to an extent, based on their properties that they brought from and the ties that they maintained with their original family and. However, such authority of the housewives disappeared since the invasion of Joseon by Japan and Qing in the year of Imjin (1592) and Byeongja (1636), respectively, as the daughters were excluded from receiving inheritance in a desperate attempt to maintain the impoverished family after the wars. However, patriarchy based on neo-Confucian custom and convention of patriarchal clan system could not spread to the entire population immediately after the wars, as it was impossible to include everyone in the aristocratic class (yangban). It was due to the increase of aristocrats within the continued social changes that occurred after the wars that the neo-Confucian patriarchy became the norm and ethical standard in Joseon society. Also, the theory of propriety in neo-Confucianism that everyone from the emperor down to commoners must abide by the patriarchal clan system was realized through Zhuzi jiali, i.e. Master Zhu's Family Rituals, which institutionalized the system of family rites by setting up ancestral shrines in every household. For the aristocrats who lost their financial footing, the only basis they could rely on to prove their aristocratic lineage is the strict compliance with the rituals. Also, for the once commoners who turned into aristocrats one day had to emphasize the formal propriety in order to distinguish themselves from the commoners. Hence, the culture of "becoming yangban" in the nineteenth-century Joseon was what solidified the patriarchal rituals, decorum, and clan system. As a result, women have become subordinated to the husband's families, which forced the women, i.e. the housewives to serve them and sacrifice themselves for them. At times, women self-imposed such restraints on them as they led themselves into believing that it was necessary to maintain the family for their sons.

• Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.17-32
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• 2006

This essay has attempted to document the actual behavior patterns and the social networks related to the child delivery in the pre-industrial Korean society. We interviewed 30 women who had given birth to their first child during the 1930s and the 1940s in order to accumulate data related to son-prayer rites, prenatal care and food avoidance, sacred-string culture, and other incantation rituals. The characteristics of the social relationships with the person who had assisted the delivery and the recovery were also analyzed in terms of kinship networks. The results are as follows. First, there was a big gap between knowledge and the actual practices in birth rituals and customs. We assume that this is due to the adverse social-economic conditions at that time which may have restricted the actual performances of these customs. Second, there were almost no differences of the performance of these' birth customs between the urban areas and the rural areas. Third, the people who assisted the delivery were women who were mostly from the husband's family. Help from the wife's family were quite exceptional. Finally, it has been found out that only about half of the women who were interviewed performed the well-known custom of three-week after-birth confinement.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.574-593
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• 2015

This research's main objective was to analyze the special qualities of food culture of the Main Family in Chung-Buk through a case study on the diversified types of meals that the Main Family cooked, such as courtesy food, normal food, and seasonal food. The research identifies traditional ingredients of specialties from Chung-Buk through old literature. According to "Sejongsillokjiriji", there are a myriad of ingredients:, including jujube, ginseng, pine mushroom, manna lichen, persimmon, mandarin fish, crab, sweetfish, lacquer, honey, and terrapin, which represent Chung-Buk's unique ingredients. Another reliable source, "Banchandungsok", does not provide a detailed list of traditional foods, but rather a simple list. The majority of food from Chung-Buk, in "Banchandungsok", consist of side dishes like kimchi and salt greens. Eventually, salt greens became diversified. As Chung-Buk is a landlocked province, people often used dried pollack. Kimchi and raw coaker were frequently used as well, and rice cakes encompassed multiple ingredients such as: jujube, mushroom, pine nut, and, dried persimmon. There were distinct differences in the diversity of food and amount of dishes used by the Main Families of Chung-Buk dependent on the ingredients and wealth of each Main Family. Chung-Buk has a landscape full of mountains, so potatoes were abundant and used to make potato Dasik. When cooking process was completed, people placed kelp on to the finished product. Seasonal foods were considered very important, especially on special occasions such as Backjoong, which was a day dedicated to laborers. These foodsprovided a good opportunity for the community to build stronger bonds by sharing rice cake and Yukgaejang with other members of the community. It is apparent that "Jeobbingac" culture, or guest culture, flourished since people in Chung-Buk are traditionally taught to leave spare food for the guest at all times.

• Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.688-699
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• 1999

This study was to find out the perceptions of toward death and caring behavior of lay persons in one community : One Island in Puan County, Chonbuk. The methodology of this study was ethnography. For this study, the fieldwork was conducted from October 1997 to July 1998. Data collected by in-depth interview and participant observations. The participants consisted fo were 17 persons of both sexes. The key informants were four specific people. The result of this study is as follows ; The people perceived two different kinds of death. Normal death, which means death from old age. The person was respected as an ancestor God and was believed to exist forever with their offspring. Abnormal death was regarded as negative, many had fears toward this kind of death. The causes of abnormal death were supernatural phenomena and had absolute holy meanings. Whether death was good or bad, the death was not personal, but collective events as family or community affairs and was interpreted as death and birth for their offsprings. Funeral rites were family-centered and/or com munity-centered. They did normal procedures for normal deaths for abnormal deaths, there were many protective ceremonies(BuJungMagi : the prevention of the taboo of uncleanliness) for the remaining people. These ceremonies combined confucism and shamanism. Caring behavior for dying persons was ruled as community-centered, reciprocal and reality-centered principles.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.36 no.1
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• pp.28-39
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• 2021

This study considered the rite of passage ceremonial food in the Mid-Choseon Period through the rite of passage ceremonies, food, and ingredients recorded in the Seoul Noble Ohhweemun Family Diary Shaemirok. The research used a contents analysis method through case studies. The noble families in the Mid-Choseon Period deemed the Jerye to be the most significant out of the traditional ceremonies. The nobles practiced the Sadehbongsah and the Yoonhweebongsah ceremonies for their ancestors. The Rite of passage ceremony required fruit. Of fish and birds, pheasants were used frequently during the ceremonies. Noble families, specifically the richer families, could sustainably normalize the rite of passage ceremonies against the elements. Seasonal ingredients were generally harvested even during spring and winter in large amounts. One of the last rites of passage food by Garye displayed diverse ingredients, such as Bangaeng, Myun, Tang, Uhyookjuk, Poe, Chae, Hae, and Silgwa. Such ingredients prove that the normalization of rite of passage ceremony food was well established and practiced. On the other hand, the birthday rite of passage food did not conform to a specific rite of passage normalcy or preparation. Instead, the birthday food showed a flexible menu of seasonal delicacies that were not confined to a particular traditional formula.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.29-49
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• 1988

Among the 160 documentes on Food menu in the Royal palace of Chosun Dynasty, 137 are cherished by the Academy of Korean study (old Chang Su Gack) and 23 by privates. We can find the other 2 documentes in biliography but they do not exist now. Most of them were written in Korean in the period between 1863 and 1937. Through them, we can learn how to set a meal table for people who served on wedding feast, the birth of Royal family and the national events, and several small feasts and ancestrial rites of Royal palace. And the food menu in them are based on Korean food.

• The Critical Review of Religion and Culture
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• no.32
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• pp.13-54
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• 2017

The Ise Grand Shrine(伊勢神宮) dedicated to the sun goddess Amaterasu (天照大神), located in the city of Ise(伊勢市), Mie Prefecture of Japan, is a center of Japanese Shinto Shrines and composed of a large number of Shinto shrines centered on two main shrines, Naiku(內宮=皇大神宮) and Geku(外宮= 豊受大神宮). Historically it has kept very close relationship with Emperor, because its enshrined deity Amaterasu is generally said to be the ancestor of Imperial Family. The food and alcohol offering to the gods in Japanese Shinto rites are called Shinsen(神饌, ambrosia). Main subjects of this essay dealing with Shinsen are the various matsuri (rites) of Ise Grand Shrine and Emperor, such as Higoto-asayu-omike-sai(日別朝夕大御饌祭, offering repasts to the gods in the moring and evening everyday), Kan-name-sai(神嘗祭, offering of the year's new rice harvest), Shikinen-sengu-sai(式年遷宮祭, year of the ceremony), Nii-name-sai(新嘗祭, Ceremonial offering by the Emperor of newly-harvested rice to the gods), and Daijo-sai(大嘗祭, first ceremonial offering of rice by newly-enthroned Emperor). Then, the purpose of this essay is to examine not only the social, religious, and political but also cultural meaning of Shinsen especially in relation to Korea, basically introducing some types and characteristics of Shinsen with its mythological background and historical development. In so doing, I will show the concrete list of items and processes of Shinsen in those rites. For example, the social meaning of Shinsen might be examined in association with agricultural features, ancient dietary life, Japanese food, and its contemporary context etc. Besides, its religious meaning can be mentioned especially from the perspective of divine nature, life and rebirth etc. On the other hand, the politics was in ancient Japan originally called Matsurigoto which means the ancestral rites for gods. This suggests the political meaning of Shinsen that the politics in Japan has originated from Shinsen.