• International Area Studies Review
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.271-294
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• 2017

Despite a huge amount of foreign assistance and close economic guidance by international donors throughout the past decades, Zambia today still suffer from a high level of aid dependency and the absence of sustainable economic development. In this study, I investigate the factors that resulted in aid (and development) failure in Zambia, focusing on institutional/historical contexts. I propose that in Zambia, government has largely failed to implement (or even produce) effective economic policies that could lead to successful use of foreign assistance for long-term, sustainable development. In particular, I focus on the nature of state and politics in Zambia, and argue that failed politics is one of the main causes of development and aid failure in Zambia and highlight colonial legacies and other contextual/institutional factors to understand the nature of politics and state in Zambia. In particular, this paper proposes that the Zambian case demonstrates that foreign aid and donor influence could worsen the situation directly by simply providing wrong guidance and also by further weakening the state (and institutional) capacity of the recipient country.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.201-238
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• 2012

This study analyses the nexus between political change and development of parliamentary politics in Malaysia. The continued and stable parliamentary politics did not necessarily associated with political development in Malaysia for the last five decades. Except the 1969 general election, the ruling coalition, Barisan Nasional(BN), has never been failed to obtain the two-third majority of parliamentary seats even though there has been regular general elections in every 4-5 years without any interruption. It is, however, worth noting that there has been dramatic political changes since the late 1990s. In particular, the 2008 general election showed the remarkable results, collapsing the two-third majority of BN's parliamentary seats. The opposition parties even took over the 5 state governments out of 12 in total. The more distinguished feature was the emergence of opposition coalition, called Pakatan Rakyak(PR), right after the 2008 general election. It was the first united coalition in Malaysia's modern political history among the severely divided opposition parties. Since its emergence, the PR has initiated various changes leading towards a more active parliamentary politics. In this regards, this study argues that parliamentary politics is no more regarded as a dependent variable in Malaysia's political process.

• Health Policy and Management
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.387-398
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• 2021

Moon Jae-in Care can be seen as a 2.0 version of Roh Moo-Hyun Care. Just as Roh Care failed to achieve its coverage rate goal and 30% share of public beds, Moon Care also failed to achieve its expected goal. The reason is that it followed Roh Care's failed strategy. Failure to control non-covered services has led to a long way to achieve a 70% coverage rate and induced the expansion of voluntary indemnity insurance, resulting in increased public burden. The universal coverage of non-covered services caused an immediate backlash from doctors. And Moon government also failed to control the private insurance market. The expansion of publicly owned beds has not become realized and has not obtained public support. Above all, it failed to overcome the resistance of doctors and failed to obtain consent from budget power groups in the cabinet for public investment. It was also insufficient to win the support of civic groups. Communication with interested groups failed and the role of private health care providers was neglected. The next government should also continue to strengthen health care coverage, but it should prioritize preventing medical poor and create a consensus with both medical providers and consumers for the control of non-covered services. Ahead of the super-aged society, the establishment of linkage between medical services and long-term care and visiting health care or welfare services is an important task. All public and private provisions and resources should be utilized in the view of a comprehensive public health perspective, and public investment should be input in sectors where public medical institutions can perform more effective functions. The next government, which will be launched in 2022, should design a new paradigm for health care in the face of a period of transformation, such as the coming super-aged society in 2026 and the Fourth Industrial Revolution, and recognize that the capabilities of the health care system represent the nation's overall capacity.

• Journal of Science of Art and Design
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• v.12
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• pp.125-143
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• 2007

The politics penetrating through the contemporary art since modernism to postmodernism is to accomplish the 'Non-representation' in the artworks. This study argues that postmodernism did not put an end to the formalistic feature of modernism but intended to accomplish it. Modernist art aimed at purity, i.e. self-referential and self-definition art advocated by Clement Greenberg, and it carne to the end by accomplishing flatness and materiality. It was an 'evasion to the matter' which allocated the object from visuality of outer object to the psychic image of the subject. It failed being 'non-representational' as what it really achieved was transition of object. Jean Baudrillard's theory tried to overcome the representational quality by 'being simulacre'. In the representative artworks of the past, the meaning of artworks was reverted under the outer context or object. The meaning again failed being 'Non-representational' as it was restored to the psychic image of the subject in modernist artworks where the definite illusion was demolished Meanwhile, artwork advocating simulacre acquired Non-representational quality by liberating from both models. It did not deconstruct the self-referential tendency of modernism but maximized the Non-representational modernistic principle. After creating 'Non-representation' through simulacre, the existential status and function of an artwork is the inclination and moral of contemporary art as 'Non-representation'. The image theory of Henri Bergson sets the existential status of 'image' as it does not belong to either subject nor object. It provides significant foundation for arguing the existential status of simulacre. Moreover, though an artwork as a fragment forming a movement image in the world cannot represent the object, it can however sustain certain kind of fractal resemblance with the world by letting the two parties communicate. The theory of sense by Gilles Deleuze is of profound significance as it specifically indicated way how the stage of absorption through the unity of subject and object is realized in forms of artworks, and configured the latent and invisible energy.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.32
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• pp.103-128
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• 2008

King Jeongjo had lost his father, Sado-Seja(Prince Sado) by Noron(Older Faction). Especially those who tried to kill Sado-Seja and king Jeongjo consisted of king's family-in-law of king Youngjo and Sado-Seja. Therefore king Jeongjo's first goal was to strengthen his kingship than other things because he could gain the throne overcoming the strong hinderance of Noron and king's family-in-law. King Jeongjo requested his subjects to be "Kukbyon-In"(國邊人: a person for king) pointing out the harm of the king's family-in-law and "Tangpyong-Dang"(蕩平黨: the strongest faction consisted under the rule of king Youngjo). For the purpose, king Jeongjo built up "Gyujang-Gak". Gyujang-Gak was spoken to contain and protect the writings of earlier kings superficially, but in reality, it was an apparatus to gain and train the friendly subjects for king Jeongjo. Like that, it was the most important for king Jeongjo to suppress the king's family-in-low and to win Neo-Confucian lterati over to himself's side. Until now, the politics of Joseon Dynasty had been mainly explained on the point of view of "Seonghak-Non"(聖學論). "Seonghak-Non" means that Neo-Confucian lterati were treated as real hero, not kings in the political space of Joseon Dynasty and the role of factions were recognized important. But king Jeongjo denied these ideological stream and tried to change that political system. King Jeongjo wanted to strengthen the throne through the method which insisted the king as a hero in politics. For the purpose, king Jeongjo criticized the Neo-Confucian literati's viewpoint about politics and learning at that time and anticipated to be sole leader of politics and learning on that critique. King Jeongjo aimed to destroy the dignity of "Salim"(山林: Neo-Confucian Sages) with attacking their wrong behaviors. King Jeongjo also criticized the period of king Injo when the regime of "Sarim"(士林: pure Neo-Confucian lterati) faction fully appeared as the starting period when the factional harms were getting worse. King Jeongjo wanted to previously block the oppositions to win subjects over to himself's side with criticizing the period of king Injo and to take away the initiative from his opponents with insisting "Salim-Muyongnon"(山林無用論: a theory ignoring Neo-Confucian Sages). King Jeongjo's critique was not limited just on the system of factional politics. "Seonghak-Non" eventually took root in Neo-Confucianism. Therefore king Jeongjo criticized Neo-Confucianism. He insisted that the essence of Chinese Classics was pragmatical learning, not Neo-Confucianism. Through that critique, king Jeongjo aimed to destroy the ideological base of his opponents. However, king Jeongjo failed to be a sole leader of his subjects in the both boundaries of politics and learning even though he criticized the Neo-Confucian lterati's viewpoint about politics and learning. Because he abruptly died leaving his reformational scheme behind as well as his loyal subjects guarding himself against Noron Byeok-Pa(老論 ?派: the opposing party in Older Faction) were gone behind himself. The politics of Joseon Dynasty returned to more powerful politics for king's family-in-law after king Jeongjo's death.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.55 no.2
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• pp.337-357
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• 2009

Ned Kelly, the bushranger, is a legendary figure of special significance to the Australians of today. The Aussies' affection for this "horse thief" derives from the fact that the latter has become a national ideal of the "battler" who does not give up in the face of hardships. Peter Carey's is considered to be one of the "national narratives" that not only heroize but also give voice to the Irish rebels who fought for "fair go" in the colonial Australia. However, this paper asserts that there are more to the novel than merely paying a tribute to the national icon, especially when the novel is examined in the context of the "republic controversy." In 1999, the preceding year of the novel's publication, Australia had a national referendum on the issue of whether or not to secede from the Commonwealth. Due to the procedural manipulation of the royalist ruling party, republicanism was voted down. At the time when the majority of Australians were irate with the result of the referendum, Carey's retelling of the supposedly anti-British rebel failed to promote the lost cause. This paper investigates how the narrativization of the legendary figure, whose anti-British and anti-authoritarian attitude can be easily translated into the cause of republicanism, came to appeal to the general reading public. In so doing, this paper compares Carey's novel with the historical Kelly's two epistles: Jerilderie and Cameron Letter. This comparison brings to light what is left out in the process of Carey's narrativization of the rebel's life: the subversive militant voice of an Irish nationalist. The conclusion of this paper is that the possibility for Kelly's life to surface again in the 21st century as a sort of counter-memory is contained by Carey through its inclusion in a highly personalized domestic narrative.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.667-690
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• 2010

This essay attempts to read Percy Bysshe Shelley s The Mask of Anarchy by attending to a political agenda that Shelley seeks to propose and embody in the poem. This poem was written as a response to an exceptional political event, the Peterloo Massacre, and thus it is evident that Shelley intended to engage in contemporary politics by writing this poem. As many critics have pointed out, however, the way in which this poem addresses social, plitical issues is ambivalent and even confusing, since it contains many elements that contradict each other, and sometimes its political visions are based on incoherent conceptions. For this reason, this poem has been considered to be a failure as an occasional poem which should provide the reader with a clear direction for political actions. Faced with this critical problem, this essay proposes that the ambivalence this poem reveals-e.g., the confrontation between moderate artistic fantasy and radical tenets-is not a retreat from political activism, as some critics suggested, but a result of its creation and embodiment of a public sphere which invites various social classes and their positions. The mode in which Shelley conceives this unified public sphere in the course of writing The Mask of Anarchy can be interpreted in terms of the following three features. First, this poem underscores the significance of thoughts in constituting a communal space between people, thus asking the reader to participate in this process of thinking on given issues. Second, this poem suggests that people should enlighten each other by engaging in communicative reciprocations. Lastly, the public sphere formulated by the previous two features should incorporate various socio-political agents beyond class boundaries (even oppressors themselves) into its own working field. After explaining how these three features are manifested in the poem, this essay argues that the unified public sphere thus formed in the poem is the very agenda that Shelley aims to propose for the contemporaneous politics and culture. As a conclusion, this essay highlights how Shelley s project of creating a unified public sphere finally failed in contemporary history through observing two contrasting receptions of Shelley s works.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.12
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• pp.456-467
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• 2018

This study analyzed the repeated causes of policy failure focusing on Yangyang International Airport cases. Yangyang International Airport, which opened in 2002, was built with about 360 billion won, but it is considered as a representative example of policy failure of local airports. According to the policy failure theory, the failure factors of Yangyang International Airport are anlyzed by rationalistic, political, and environmental complexity viewpoint. The results are as follows. First, from a rationalist point of view, Yangyang Airport failed to achieve the policy goal of securing passengers and revitalizing local economy, This is due to the pressure of politics and the lack of geographical infrastructure. Second, the failure of the stakeholders to resolve conflicts in the flow of politics can be seen as the conflict between the airline and the airport, and the failure to reconcile conflicts between the government and the airports on the low cost airline permits and subsidies. Third, from the viewpoint of environmental complexity, Yangyang International Airport can be regarded as a failure to adapt to environmental changes such as the opening of nearby expressways and railway lines, and the sharp decline of Chinese tourists. This study sugeests the establishment of an independent organization that can prevent unreasonable business promotion by politics in the case of large scale national projects, the linkage with the surrounding infrastructure and related businesses in the case of transportation facilities such as airports and railways, and institutionalization of cooperative governance for coordinating conflict among stakeholders.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.233-260
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• 2013

Despite various policies have been implemented to curb shadow education in Korea, it has continued to grow in recent two decades. This study investigates the expansion mechanism of shadow education focused on mobilization capabilities and market strategies of the suppliers. The success and failure of policy toward shadow education depends on how effectively it could block off the way by which the suppliers as the most important actors in politics of shadow education market mobilize consumers' anxieties. But shadow education policies have failed in two points. First, they have lacked honest intention to stop its proliferation. The Constitutional Court Decision Against Anti-Out-Of-School Classes Legislation of 2000 widened the windows of opportunity for the suppliers, and 5.31 educational reform of 1995 was neutral to their mobilization capabilities, though seemingly designed to control shadow education. This policy orientation, which reflected neoliberal Gesinnungsethik defective of Verantwortungsethik, stimulated shadow education to expand in that suppliers' mobilization capabilities were reinforced or remained intact. Second, shadow education suppliers have succeeded in mobilizing the desire and anxiety of potential consumers. To cope with government's policy including improving the qualities of public education, realignment of college entrance systems, and meeting the shadow education needs, they have developed various market strategies such as management of existing demands, creation of responsive demands, and squeezing out new demands. They have succeeded in nullifying policies by employing or mixing strategies with effect. Policy decisions in the future need to be made with reference to Verantwortungsethik, and be more cautious to socio-political contexts of Korea, to mobilization capabilities and market strategies of the suppliers in particular.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.159-190
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• 2019

This paper aims to examine to the political unconsciousness of social movies that have caused social repercussions in the 2010s, and to study the social imagination of Korean films at that time. Korean Movies such as (2013), <1987>(2017) and (2017) reflect the ethos of civil society based on common sense and justice. The epic structure was the same as that of ordinary citizens, who move toward a public space (court, square) after awakening their political correctness. More than anything else, the fact that such films were based on "a historical fact" could have been a strategy to avoid censorship in the era of the blacklist. In these social films, courts and squares have become places for democracy. The conservative government of the time was tired of anti-government resistance and the politics of the square. Thus, films from directors and producers blacklisted were difficult to produce. That's why the court in the movie during this period could become a symbolic proxy for the "legitimate" reenactment of the politics of the square, which was subject to censorship and avoidance by the regime of the time. Meanwhile, the square has gradually become the main venue for political films that advocate "historic true stories." The square of the 1980s, which appeared in the movies, will be connected to the Gwanghwamun candlelight square that audiences experienced in 2017. Furthermore, it was able to reach the concept of an abstract square as an "open space for democracy." At the foundation of these works is a psychological framework that equates the trauma of the failed democratic movement of the 1980s to the trauma of the failed progressive movement of the 2010s. Through this study, we were able to see that social political films in the 2010s were quite successful, emphasizing "political correctness" and constitutional common sense. But they also had limitations as "de-political popular films" that failed to show imagination beyond the censorship of the blacklist era.