• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.59
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• pp.93-120
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• 2015

The purpose of this study is to explore the source of appealing which Gusadang Kim Nakhaeng's writing for ancestral rites is equipped with. Gusadang was one of the Confucianists in Yeongnam during the 18th century and was praised for his scholarly virtue of jihaenghapil and silcheongunghaeng. Although Gusadang's writing for ancestral rites and his teacher Milam Lee Jaeui's letters were even specially named as 'gujemilchal', there has been almost no research on Gusadang's writing for ancestral rites yet. Therefore, this study selects three pieces of Gusadang's writing for ancestral rites which are especially rich in emotional expression for discussion. Chapter 2 titled as 'the Reconstruction of Memory in a Microscopic Perspective' presents the reason why Gusadang's writing for ancestral rites is recognized even as a piece of work equipped with appealing. Writing for ancestral rites begins from the point that there exists memory that can be shared by both the living and the dead. In reconstructing the anecdote with the dead on the stage of ritual writing in detail, the writer's memory plays an important role. Chapter 3 titled as 'the Rhetorical Reconstruction of Elevated Sensitivity' examines rhetorical devices needed for writing for ancestral rites. Proper rhetoric is needed to upgrade the dignity of the ritual writing and arouse sympathy from the readers. Although writing for ancestral rites is supposed to express sadness in terms of its formal characteristics, it should not end up being a mere outlet of emotion. Chapter 4 looks into 'the Descriptive Reconstruction of Lamenting Sentiment'. There should be a clear focus of description to make the gesture of the living towards the being not existing in the world any longer an appealing story. While maintaining a distinct way of description, Gusadang organizes the noble character of the dead, pitiable death, the precious bond in the past, and the longing of those left for the dead systematically. Writing for ancestral rites is a field to mourn over the death and reproduce the sadness of the living through writing. To make the text written in that way get to work as ritual writing properly, it should be appealing necessarily. This study has found the fact that such appealing that gives life to ritual writing is grounded on authenticity.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.34
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• pp.207-224
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• 2009

This research is a quest of theories of poetry of Wang Yak-heo who was a literary critic during Chin(金) dynasty in ancient China. Wang Yak-heo left a fine piece of work, dubbed ${\ll}$Honam Yuro Jib${\gg}$ and, in this paper, the author closely reviewed the theories of poetry that is appeared, especially, in the three volumes of ${\ll}$Talks on Chinese Poetry${\gg}$ among the collections of Wang's poetry criticism. In particular, the author investigated the positive and negative aspects of Honam's commentaries on the works by Chinese poets, including his principles of poetics, creative skills, and practical criticism, etc. Wang Yak-heo has not been known much in the history of Chinese literary thoughts, however, his theory of criticism, especially, among the talks on Chinese the works by Chinese poets, his literature criticisms establish unique and distinctive point of views. Wang Yak-heo's poetics, more than anything else, valued nature, meanings, truth, and contents therein. He exhibited realistic view of literature. Meanwhile, he analyzed the methods of expression by Du Bo(杜甫, pronounced, "Du Fu" in Chinese), So Sik, also known as So Dong Pa (蘇軾, Su Shi or 蘇東坡, Su Dong Po in Chinese), and Hwang Jeong-gyeon(黃庭堅, Huang T'ing-chien), and highly evaluated the realistic poems written by Du Bo, Baek Geo-I (白居易, pronounced, "Bai Juyi" in Chinese), and So Sik. Also, he opposed to formalism or externality, however, he never made light of formality of poetry. In his comments on the works by Chinese poets, he highly evaluated the poems sung by So Sik and Beek Geo-I, in the mean time, however, he criticized their works without hesitation. Having set up his own unique criteria for critique, Wang didn't accept other opinions in a seemingly illogical manner, and he presented what he thoughts and other different points of view from others. Specifically, he attached great importance to whether or not modification of words and phrases, grammar, and whole context were congruent to one another and had been well harmonized. However, in his poetics, Wang was so wrapped himself in reasonableness or rationality, he analyzed each and every word in great detailed manner, as the result, he sometimes didn't read the sentiment or mood that the writers intended to express through poems. He excessively restricted himself to the words and phrases, so that he was not able to realize natural emotions and joy of imagination that were presented in the poems, and, in the end, this brought about adverse effects to the poet's thought.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.66
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• pp.129-162
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• 2017

This article examines the form of hell and the nature of literary works in the late Joseon period. 'Hoeshimgok(回心曲)' divides a sinner into a man and a woman, and presents a virtue of goodness to a man and an item of evil to a woman. The elements of virtue and malice are both Buddhist ethical norms and Confucian ethical norms. Hell-related novels have common features that emphasize the ethical norms that should be kept in daily life through the causes of hell, though the patterns of punishment and their reasons are slightly different depending on the works. And 'Hoeshimgok(回心曲)' and these works are generally shown by reducing the punishment pixel of hell compared to the cause of hell. This characteristic shows that the literary works of the late Joseon literature related to hell were mainly aimed at providing or educating ethical virtues centered on 'Samgangwol(三綱五倫)' through sanctions of 'Hell' widely known to the general public. The emphasis on Confucian ethics is not limited to works of literature related to hell. In the nineteenth century, when these works were created and circulated, there is a surge in the number of chapters and publications of books for Confucian Indoctrination, Didactic Gasa, and Goodness Books, which emphasize Confucian ethics. Such a strengthening of the Confucian ethical consciousness can be attributed to the crisis of the 19th century Joseon society about the social confusion that threatens the existing system. In particular, the creation and circulation of literary works related to hell in the late Joseon period is related to the dissemination and spread of Catholicism. In the end, the hell shape of the late Joseon literature reflects the crisis of social confusion faced by Joseon society in the nineteenth century. Therefore, it can be said that it has the character of literary response to the prevalent diffusion of Catholicism.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.153-184
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• 2018

The aim of this thesis was to examine the circumstances that led up to successful coin use across the entire nation in 1678 (the $4^{th}$ year of King Sukjong's reign), during the Joseon Dynasty. To this end, this thesis analysed the Sa-Mouk(事目, Provisions) that contained the institutional protocol for coin circulation, implemented by King Hyojong and the statesman Kim Youk(金堉) who had practical experience in these matters over the ten years of King Hyojong's reign(1649-1659). To regulate the problematic wide circulation of coarse cotton cloth as currency in the market of 1650 (the $1^{st}$ year of King Hyojong's reign), prohibition measures were implemented. Besides the superficial justification given for these measures(i.e., that the market price was disturbed by the use of coarse cotton cloth), there was another purpose to prohibiting the circulation of cotton cloth as money, following the standard ruled by the government: the state aimed to ensure momentum for the upcoming coin circulation policy, by strengthening its control of the current economy. In 1651 (the $2^{nd}$ year of King Hyojong's reign), the government fully cracked down on the use of coarse cotton cloth as currency, and simultaneously implemented its coin circulation policy in the Pyeongan(平安) region. The pretext for this policy was to raise finances to support people who were starving as a result of poor harvests and famine. People who received coins from government officials could purchase food in the market, and the coin circulation policy was judged to be successful. Subsequently, to extend coin circulation further throughout the region, the Sa-Mouk for Seoul was established. The Sa-Mouk included stipulations regarding the use of coin in transactions and for government expenditure; it aimed thereby to enhance the national policy's market credit. The hasty implementation of the policy for the expansion of coin circulation caused some problems that required its modification. In 1652 (the $3^{rd}$ year of King Hyojong's reign), coin circulation was increased to encompass the Gyeonggi(京畿) region, and some of the tax that had been paid in rice was now paid in coin. However, coins were in short supply, since there was insufficient copper, the main material used in coin production, and the policy faced a significant limitation. Therefore, in 1655(the $6^{th}$ year of King Hyojong's reign), a new Sa-Mouk for coin circulation was established. This Sa-Mouk included specifications regarding the determination of coin values based on rice and silver, and mandated the wide spread installation of stores for exchanging spot goods for coins throughout the region in which coins were circulating. This policy's objective was to secure stability for the national economy by further regulating coin circulation. The sustained implementation of the coin circulation policy for ten years by King Hyojong and the statesman Kim Youk offered the government an opportunity to accumulate experience in coin circulation in the market, and also to learn from institutional trial and error. This may have been one of the contributing factors to the nation-wide coin circulation that was established in 1678. The objective of the policy implemented during King Hyojong's reign was not to meet the market's requirements, but rather to ensure the preservation of the national economy, and this misjudgement constituted the policy's key limitation. At this time, the government urgently needed to secure finances to cope with the war against China's Qing Dynasty.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.119-151
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• 2018

This paper is a study of the historical significance of The water and land ceremony performed by Bongeunsa temple in the Joseon Dynasty. The Bongeunsa temple was originally a hermitage named Geungseongam, which was located in the Hakdang-dong, Gwangju County, Gyeonggi Province. After that, Geungseongam was named as Geungseongsa temple. Geungseongsa temple was left in that position and acted as the Temples belonging to Royal Tombs(陵寢寺, TRT) of the King Sungjong, later the name of the temple was changed to Bongeunsa Temple. As a result of movement of the royal tomb of the Joongjong(靖陵) next to the royal tomb of Sungjong, the Bongeunsa was also used as a TRT of the Seonjeongneung royal tomb. After that, the grandson of the King Joongjong, crown prince Soonhoe early passed away, Buddhist shrine (願堂) was set in Bongeunsa temple. Bongeunsa temple remained as a royal prayer place, serving as a Buddhist shrine for crown prince Soonhoe and serving as a Jopo temples for Seonjeongneung royal tomb until the end of the Joseon Dynasty. From the time when it was called Geungseongam to the time after when it was renamed as Bongeunsa Temple, this temple performed The water and land ceremony. But the characters changed little by little. From the King Sejo to King Sungjong, The water and land ceremony characterized Consolation ceremony for the spirit of the dead for prince Gwangpyeong, King Sejong, Queen Soehan and served as the Buddhist memorial praying for the well being of the royal family and people. From the time of the King Yonsan to the time of King Myeongjong, The water and land ceremony had strong characters for Consolation ceremony for the spirit of the dead for King. In the late Joseon Dynasty, Bongeunsa Temple served as the royal party of The water and land ceremony. On the other hand, after the Manchu war of 1636, Bongeunsa Temple also served as the national water and land ceremony for the victims who were killed in the mountains of Namhan. In the Joseon dynasty, The water and land ceremony performed by Bongeunsa Temple was strongly directed for Consolation ceremony for the spirit of the dead for royal family members, and Bongeunsa Temple was maintained as a royal prayer throughout the Joseon Dynasty.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.1-52
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• 2017

This study aims to compare the state building process focusing on the founding presidents of South Korea, which was a colony of the defeated state of World War II and the Philippines, the colony of the victorious state. To this end, it compares the lives of the presidents, mainly the founding president of Korea Syngman Rhee and Manuel Quezon who led the autonomy of the Philippines and established the Commonwealth government, in the contexts of the state building process of the two countries. In each country, the leaders had to address the core tasks for founding the states in common. Firstly, after the independence or the acquisition of state autonomy, both countries adopted a constitution based on the presidential system with the strong authority of the presidents influenced by the United States. Secondly, the two countries after the independence were operated on the basis of anti-communism at the forefront of the Cold War. In addition, they also carried out land reform to bring the peasants into the system for supporting anti-communism. Lastly, the two countries also faced the same issues of liquidating the Japanese colonial legacies. Therefore the study examines the establishment of the constitution, settlement of anti-communism line, the land reform issues, and liquidation of Japanese colonialism or occupation in each country. The Philippines attained 'constitutional independence' in 1935 and experienced political development faster than any other post-colonial country in Asia. However, except for the establishment of the constitution, the early leaders were not able to address the principal issues for state building. As land reform failed, landowners became economically and politically dominant. The Philippines, where the modern citizen class has not arisen suffered from the political and economic recession. In Korea, despite the Korean War and division of the country, the founding president Syngman Rhee attempted to solve the tasks. As a result, he was able to lay the track of liberal democracy against communism and also settled Japanese colonial legacy as much as it was allowed. In particular, through land reform, he has laid the basis for the nation-state and economic development and has set up the girders of Korean economy by adopting the market economy system. Although there are merits and demerits, compared with the leaders of other countries especially with the Philippines, it is no doubt that Syngman Rhee has played an essential role in establishing the state as a founding president.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.95-129
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• 2017

This study surveys and reviews political change, economic performance, and regional cooperation that were carried out in 2016 by Southeast Asian countries and ASEAN. This paper reports that what has followed the inauguration of new governments in Myanmar, the Philippines, Vietnam, and Laos fails to live up to the expectation and optimism that arose in the aftermath of elections and party congresses that took place in the first half of the year. In other countries such as Malaysia, Thailand, and Cambodia, where authoritarian regimes are faced with strong oppositions, the prospects for democratic change worsened to a substantial degree, as schisms and internal strives complicated the opposition camp as a result of instigation and intervention by the authoritarian leaders and their followers. In stable political systems, both democratic and authoritarian, no significant changes that may entail serious political implications were noticed. In 2016, the national economy of almost each and every country continued its slow but steady recovery that had started in 2014 and grew by 5% on the average. For 2017 onward, however, the earlier optimism that it would grow at least as fast dimmed down as uncertainty about the world economy looms larger due to the unexpected win by Donald Trump as U.S. president and the expected 'hard landing' of the Chinese economy around 2018. ASEAN declared the launch of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) only one day before the New Year, but its track record looked already bad and unpromising by the end of 2016. ASEAN leaders were tied up by their domestic politics and affairs too tightly to take time off to work seriously to observe the schedule as laid out in the AEC Blueprint 2025. Korea's relationship with Southeast Asian countries and ASEAN was "as good as it gets" in 2016 as ever but could become subject to tough review in the near future, if the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is found out to have been implicated in the ongoing Choi Sun Sil scandal and if the opposition wins the next presidential election to be held by this year.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.23
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• pp.295-316
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• 2008

This is to study the military philosophy of Wangzhen's Commentary on Daodejing written by a famous military officer in the end of Tang Dynasty, Wangzhen. Historically, many scholars consider Laozi's Daodejing as a book on military science. Wangzhen, however, is the only person to interpret Daodejing genealogically from a military perspective. Wangzhen thinks that the fact that human beings like competing naturally causes the constant competition in the world. Human beings are born with the most outstanding spirit among all beings. But, when God created human beings, they had greed and avarice in the middle of their heart. Accordingly, human beings look for a success and a profit, and follow the wicked way, leaving the right way. The contractions among each greed and avarice bring about small or big competitions. Human beings have greed and avarice. It means human beings have emotions. As a result, the competitions in the world are not able to disappear because human beings have emotions. To win the completion human beings use weapons. According to Wangzhen, the war is the most devilish deed due to the weapon's atrocious, dangerous quality. Yet, the world's interests are decided by how efficiently the weapons are used. Consequently, the weapon techniques are worthy and play an important role in the real world. Morality, however, should be in the first priority in ruling over a country and commanding the army. The national security and the war victory could be secured when civil and military affairs have a balance. Wangzhen thinks that Laozi emphasizes "Not-Competing" as a basic solution of competition. The competition is the root cause of war and disorder. Therefore, Not-Competing is the main idea of Daodejing. Not-Competiting is a basis of Wangzhen's military philosophy as well. For Wangzhen, Not-Competing is Wuwei. Wuwei has political and military meanings at the same time. Wangzhen build up the "Not-Competing" military philosophy by applying Loazi's Daodejing to his military philosophy.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.31
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• pp.53-86
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• 2011

Taoism exercised its influence and has made much progress apparently under the aegis of the Tang dynasty. But since the external alchemy, a traditional way of eternal life that they have pursued, met the limitation, they were placed in a situation where they needed to seek a new discipline. From this period to the early North Song dynasty, three religions have established the unique theoretical systems of their own theory of ascetic practices. They showed their own unique formats as follows. Neo-Confucianism established the theory of moral training, Buddhism did the theory of ascetic practices and Taoism had theory of discipline. By this time, a person who claimed the Intermixture of Three Religions composed the new system of theory of ascetic practice by taking advantage of other religions and putting them into his own view. Chen tuan established the theory of internal alchemy of Taoism and was the most influential figure in the world of thought since North Song dynasty. He clearly declared that he accepted the merits of other religions in his theory. He added I Ching of Confucianism in I Ching of secret of Taoism to stop the logical gaps during the process of disciplines in Taoism and took ascetic practices on mind of Buddhism into his system while he sought a way to integrate the dual structure of body and mind. The theory of Chen tuan's internal alchemy was training schema with stages of 'YeonJeongHwaGi', 'YeonGiHwaSin', and 'YeonSinHwanHeo' based on the concepts of vital, energy and spirit. The internal alchemy practice that Chen tuan was saying started from the practice of Zen to keep the mind calm with the basis of fundamental principles of interpretation of book of change according to Taoism. When a person reached the state to be in concert with all changes at the end of the silence and be full of wisdoms, he finally returned to the state of BokGwiMuGeuk by taking the flow of subtle mind and transforming it into energy. He expressed this process by drawing 'MuGeukDo'. Oriental philosophy categorized human into 'phenomenal existence' and 'original existence'. The logic of theory of ascetic practice has been established from these 'category of existence'. It would be determined whether it will return to 'original existence' or be stepped up from 'phenomenal existence' according to how the concept of 'self' or 'I' was made. Chen tuan who established the theory of internal alchemy in Taoism has established the unique theory of internal alchemy discipline and system of intermixture of three religions in this aspect. Today is called 'era of self-loss' or 'era of incurable diseases' caused by environmental pollution. It's still meaningful to review the theory of discipline of Chen tuan's connecting the body and the soul to heal the self, and keep life healthy and pursue the new way of discipline based on it.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.139-176
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• 2011

Non-regular workers came to the fore while working class formation was in retreat along with the democratic labor movement of regular workers. The formation of principal agents, however, is yet to occur. Then, why non-regular workers' struggles could not yield a consequence in that regard? What kind of factors are to determine the outcome of the struggles and how do they do it? It is the aim of this study to answer those questions. In contrast with regular workers' struggles, non-regular workers' struggles tend to break out in response to capitalist offensives, rely on atypical and, often, extreme measures of struggle rather than strike in the form of work stoppage, drag out for too long, and appeal for social solidarity outside when the solidarity of regular workers is not available. Non-regular workers' struggles tend to end up with failure rather than success, and with weakening rather than strengthening of their organizational strength. So as to overcome the tendency to fail, non-regular workers' struggles need regular workers' solidarity in addition to their own strong mobilization power, while social solidarity or positional power could substitute for regular workers' solidarity in some cases. So as to build up their organizational strength, non-regular workers' struggles should win victories in the struggles, while a victory could turn into a trap in the case of conversion. Both regular workers' solidarity and the internal integration of the struggles are two foremost important factors in achieving the victory of struggles and the building-up of organizational strength. Those who have got involved in struggles are from the best organized sector among all the non-regular workers. As they have gone through weakening of organizational strength, it becomes more difficult for non-regular workers to form principal agents. Without non-regular workers' struggles, however, the capitalist offensives must have carried the day. In that sense, non-regular workers' struggles did a role in at least detaining capitalist offensives, if not stopping them. The practical implication of non-regular workers' struggles is that, if non-regular workers redefine the ultimate goal of their struggles as the formation of their principal agents for working class formation, it would be a strategically rational choice to identify the strategic objective of struggles with the maintaining and strengthening of their organizational strength rather than the achievement of their immediate demands.