• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
• /
• v.62 no.4
• /
• pp.164-180
• /
• 2012

This study focuses on the hats in the advertisements of the newspapers from the Greater Korean Empire to the Time of Independence. There were Yeomo(禮帽), Jungsanmoja(中山帽子), Jungjeolmoja(中折帽子), Women's hat, Undongmoja(運動帽子), and Hakdomoja(學徒帽子) from 1897 to the 1900s. The names of the hats were written with Chinese characters as there was no specific name for women's hats. There were a lot of hats in the 1910s; Jungjeolmoja, Jungsanmoja, Hukyeomoja(黑禮帽子), Panama, Doriuchi(鳥打;とり-うち), Maggomo(麥程帽), Ilkyomoja(一交字帽), cheongyeonmo(靑年帽), Jajacheongyeonmo(刺子靑年帽), Hakaaksangmo(學生帽), Undongmo, Laparyunmoja, Banghanmo(防寒帽), Mokchulmo(目出帽), Pungbangi(風防耳), Nambaui, and Pungdongi(風憧耳). Most of the hats were western hats for men. From the 1920s to 1930s, the hats were classified as to the shape and uses as compared to before that period. The hats were advertised in the newspapers such as Jungjeolmoja, Jungsanmoja, Panama, Doriuchimo, Maggomo, Ilkyomoja, cheongyeonmo, Jajacheongyeonmo, Hakaaksangmo, Undongmo, Banghanmo, Mokchulmo(目出帽), Adongmokchulmo(兒童目出帽), Pungdongi, and Pungchasamsangun(風遮三山巾). There is little information about hats from the late 1930s to the time of independence because of the censorship of the press. The hats during that period were almost the same as the before that time. There was a new name of a cap, Jeontumoja(戰鬪帽子) which was for a soldier. The hats in that period were one of the westernized items with shoes before the westernization of the Korean costume under Japanese imperialism. Furthermore, the western hats could be spread by the men who were in the center of the society. On the other hand, women's western hats were not common because women had rarely worn them before that period. They just wore traditional winter caps steadily.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
• /
• v.24 no.1
• /
• pp.54-66
• /
• 2016

This paper examines the transition of the Hungarian men's costume. Transition of the Hungarian men's costume can be divided into pre-eighteenth century, eighteenth century, and since the nineteenth century. Hungarian costume was derived from the Magyar who settled in Hungary in the ninth century. Hungry had begun to accept Western culture in the tenth century, so when the prototype of Hungarian costume was completed, it consisted of Dolman, Mente, pants, and boots combining traditional Magyar style with Western European style. In particular, Dolman shows the uniqueness of the Hungarian men's costume; it has a high, stand-up collar in the back center, closes on the left, has a right front plate with a diagonal cut at the waist, and a wide front closure. In the eighteenth century, Hungarian men's costumes played an important role in displaying national pride while living under the oppression of the Habsburg Empire. In particular, Dolman was worn as a uniform at the battle of independence (1703~1710). This dress of male courtiers became the distinctive style of the eighteenth century and then became the basic style of men's costumes. Since the nineteenth century, Hungarian men's costumes have acted as an means to promote the national consciousness of Hungary through the Citizen Revolution (1848), the War of Independence (1849), and the formation of the Dual Empire (1867). Looking at evolution of the Hungarian men's dress style, it reveals that resistance and struggles against other nations, a history of aggression, and living under oppressed are factors that impact on important clothing transitions.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
• /
• v.63 no.6
• /
• pp.56-68
• /
• 2013

A purpose of this study is to do fundamental research of construction of coat patterns in the Daehan Empire in order to make replicas of the costumes. This study is composed of literature research, investigation of artifacts, and experiment of pattern making. The results of this study are as follows. First, even if the 15th Court Dress Rules regulated color, fabric, number of flower, width of braid, and size of button, there was no regulation regarding the shape of the coat. The analysis of the photos in those periods shows that the style of the tailcoat was different from that of today in the length of the front, the shape of breast and collar. Second, six artifacts in the collection showed that the shoulder line and the sideline were located on the further rear side than the current tailcoat. This can be confirmed in the western and Japanese pattern book, and especially the pattern drafting method in the books published in Japan in 1900s is different from current one in setting base lines of front bodice and back bodice. As a result, based on several experiments, this study proposes how to make coat patterns. The shoulder line, the sideline, and the princess line should be located in the back of the dress similar to the shape of swallowtail coats of 1900s. The front bodice should be constructed without the composition line in order to add embroidery on it. The collar, which shape looks like long half moon, should form V-shape neckline in the front breast when adjusting dress. The sleeves should be constructed top and down, and it should curve more than the modern design.

• Acta Via Serica
• /
• v.3 no.1
• /
• pp.103-117
• /
• 2018

This article aims to examine European reactions against the Ottoman mission headed by Enver Pasha, who was dispatched to China during the 'Boxer Uprising' in 1901. Based on Western archival documents, we can find reliable and informative correspondence about the attitude of the European countries toward the sultan's mission and its pan-Islamic plans in China. The coming of the Ottoman mission caused great reaction in such European countries as Britain, France, Germany and Russia, who were engaged in a competitive power struggle for an influential political and economic position in China. They kept a close watch on the sultan's envoy to find out his secret mission on the one hand and tried to persuade Enver Pasha not to work against their advantage in China on the other. From time to time, Abdul Hamid II (r. 1876-1909), the sultan of the Ottoman Empire, sent China an official mission and secret agents, through whom he tried to subjugate Chinese Muslims for his own advantage. The significance for the Ottoman Empire of any success in penetrating China by way of a pan-Islamic approach cannot be overrated, not only for political advantage but also for commercial and cultural benefit. Like other European countries, Ottomans could retain or gain rights which might bring them opportunities for free trade in opium and in other commodities. The sultan believed that they would constitute a great political factor to his advantage, because most of the tens of millions of Chinese Muslims recognized the Ottoman sultan as their caliph and praised him in their Friday sermon (Khutuba). Taking these factors into consideration, he decided to dispatch the Enver Pasha mission during the Boxer Uprising (1898-1901), responding to the suggestion of German Kaiser Wilhelm II. However, when the Ottoman mission arrived in China, the uprising had already been suppressed. This unexpected situation made the envoy initiate meaningful contacts with Chinese Muslims during its stay in China.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
• /
• v.57 no.4
• /
• pp.625-649
• /
• 2011

Even though "An Outpost of Progress" and Heart of Darkness were based upon Joseph Conrad the sailor's same experience in Congo Free State, their narrative strategies are quite different. The realistic representation of "An Outpost of Progress," with which Conrad was not satisfied at all, was converted into the modernistic narrative strategy of Heart of Darkness so that the sympathetic power of the story should be improved. The conservative value system of realism is expressed by the omniscient author in "An Outpost of Progress," whereas the frame narrator of Heart of Darkness is proved to be an unreliable one whose norms and behavior are not in accordance with the implied author. The glorious history of the British Empire, which was proudly presented by the frame narrator at the beginning of Heart of Darkness, was strongly opposed by Marlow, another narrator, who said that the British Empire had been "one of the dark places of the earth" when ruled by the Roman Empire. The feeling of the frame narrator was uneasily changed into the gloomy mood when he described the Thames as the flow which "seemed to lead into the heart of an immense darkness" at the end of Heart of Darkness. Similar to the straightforward narrative strategy of representation in "An Outpost of Progress," the realistic approach of Part I in Heart of Darkness is considered by Conrad as insufficient to reveal the darkest truth of imperialism, which was declared by Kurtz as "The Horror! The Horror!" Thus Conrad uses the Chinese-box structure, in which Kurtz' episode is enveloped by Marlow's tale which is enclosed by the frame narrator's story, in order to penetrate into the mind of ordinary readers in the novelist's age of New Colonialism, while attacking the ideology itself of imperialism instead of critisizing its inefficiency and individualism.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
• /
• v.57 no.4
• /
• pp.553-580
• /
• 2011

This article addresses how the British Empire administered the discipline of space in nineteenth century Ireland. Space control is a part of modern disciplinary practices. I approach this issue in light of the two modern mapping of space: the geometric mapping of space and the Romantic mapping of space. The former, as seen in map-making, is characterized by imposing a standardized, stratified grid on space by eliminating local characteristics of nature. On the other hand, the latter, as shown in picturesque landscaping, aims to balance a close-up observation of nature and a far-sighted view of it, with the result of creating an ironic tension of local diversity and perspectival totality. These modern disciplinary projects of space repeat themselves in the British management of the colonized Irish territory. As the British conquer other lands, they put to good use both geometric and Romantic disciplinary methods of space. Supervising the Ordnance Survey of Ireland from 1824 to 1846, Thomas Frederick Colby, British Director of Ordnance Survey, made a mathematically strict and scientific mapping of Ireland as a scale of six inches to one mile. Parallelled to this geometric colonization of space, the Romantic colonization of space is efficiently used for the Empire's management of Ireland as well. British tourists and pro-unionist Anglo-Irish landed gentries transform it into the nature of picturesque beauty; Ireland's wild boglands turn aesthetically into desolate but beautiful scenery. Picturesque landscape in England is reborn as an aesthetics of desolation in Ireland.

• SUVANNABHUMI
• /
• v.7 no.2
• /
• pp.27-56
• /
• 2015

How should we conceptualize regions? What is the context in which new approaches to regional study take place? What is the role of historical change in the reconceptualization of regions or areas? This article addresses this issue by using two case studies to shed light on the history of regional study by comparing some of the ways in which the Middle East and Southeast Asia have been conceptualized. Accordingly, the discussion traces the ways in which these areas were understood in the 19th century by highlighting the ideas of a number of influential Victorian thinkers. The Victorians are useful because not only did British thinkers play critical roles in the shaping of modern patterns of knowledge, but their empire was global in scope, encompassing parts of both Southeast Asia and the Middle East. However, the Victorians regarded these places quite differently: Southeast Asia was frequently described as "Further India" and the Middle East was the home of the Ottoman Empire. Both of these places were at least partly understood in relation to the needs of British policy-makers, who tended to focus most of their efforts according to the needs of India-which was their most important colonial possession. The article exhibits the connections between the "Eastern Question" and end of the Ottoman Empire (and the political developments which followed) led to the creation of the concept of "Middle East". With respect to Southeast Asia, attention will be devoted to the works of Alfred Russell Wallace, Hugh Clifford, and others to see how "further India" was understood in the 19th century. In addition, it is clear that the successful deployment of the term "Southeast Asia" reflected the political needs of policy makers in wake of decolonization and the Cold War. Finally, by showing the constructive nature of regions, the article suggests one possible new path for students of Southeast Asia. If the characterization of the region is marked by arbitrary factors, it may actually point to a useful avenue of enquiry, a hermeneutic of expedience. Emphasis on the adaptive and integrative features of lived realities in Southeast Asia may well be a step beyond both the agendas of "colonial knowledge" and anti-colonial nationalism.

• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.21 no.1
• /
• pp.249-286
• /
• 2011

This study examines the nature of the world order or the international relations of the 19th century Vietnam. Those who are familiar with the Chinese world order based on the tributary system, have applied the quasi-Chinese world order concept to Vietnam by the terms of 'smaller dragon,' 'little China,' and 'Chinese model.' According to this way of understanding, Vietnamese empire was the imitation or the small sized version of the Chinese empire. Examples are to label Vietnamese emperor as the "Southeast Asian version of the Chinese emperor" or "an absolute photocopy of the Chinese world order." But the author of this article raises questions to this framework of the Chinese Model, and looks for the Vietnamese own world order based on the Southeast Asian tradition. Two issues are discussed in this study. First is the Vietnamese relationships with Southeast Asia. According to author, the first concern of Vietnam in relation to diplomatic relations was to the Mainland Southeast Asian countries. To clarify the contacts with Southeast Asia and Western powers, Vietnamese relationships with the regions of Island Southeast Asian countries were also examined. Second issue is to see the ways how Vietnam maintained its own world order in the course of wars and diplomacy with China. Author argues that the world order of the 19th century Vietnam was closer to the traditional world order of mandala in the Southeast Asia than to the quasi Chinese world order. The relationships among the countries were rather equal than hierarchical. Vietnam regarded the countries of Southeast Asia especially Thailand and Burma as the equal countries. China was one of the equal countries to the eyes of Vietnamese leaders and Vietnam did not have enough room to embody the quasi Chinese world order though the Vietnamese rulers used the titles of emperor, which was the Vietnamese version of Southeast Asian 'king.' In conclusion, the world order of Vietnam is summarized into the two facets of $l{\hat{a}}n$ giao(diplomatic relations with neighbors) and bang giao(diplomatic relations between two countries i.e. Vietnam and China). $l{\hat{a}}n$ giao was to the countries of Southeast Asia while the bang giao was the term and concept for the diplomatic relationship with China. These two relationships composed Vietnamese foreign relationship, ngo?i giao. Author claims that these two relations were based on the spirit of equality that emerged from the beginning of the 19th century.

• Proceedings of the Korea Society of Costume Conference
• /
• 2005.10a
• /
• pp.118-119
• /
• 2005

• Journal of the korean veterinary medical association
• /
• v.13 no.1
• /
• pp.25-30
• /
• 1977

1. Zoological gardens are significant for high developed human cultures. As far as we know Egyptians founded the first zoo during their Middle Empire (BC l800${\~}$1200). The Chinese had their first ones around BC 1200, as we know by the work o