• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
• /
• no.15
• /
• pp.67-93
• /
• 2007

This article deals with the short history from 1999 to the present time, how the Korean record and archives management world had grown up, and what the development of the branch of records and archives studies resulted in. First of all, it is looked out upon the transition and feature of each initiative bodies of records management, containing the records producing body, records and archives management body, records and archives professional body, and civil society. As a result, this article points out the disequilibrium state of the records producing body and civil society, for all the growth of records and archives management institutions and records and archives professionals. During the time of establishing the law, the Korean records and archives management had been made a rapid progress by some part of the leading group being to Korean Records and Archives Service and the society of professionals. But it is estimated only the malformed development depending on the model of elites, although we could achieve the establishment of Korean Records and Archives Act. The condition of records and archives management of the Participation Government was distinguish from the state of former times, being driven up the renovation of records and archives management. The main power of the renovation was sought our by overcome of the elite model with the development of archival institutions and professionals extending wide range. Particularly professionals to accept the education of graduate school grew up in quantity and quality and then they let the pattern of the collaboration with archival institutions rake root in Korea. As The Road Map on the Renovation of National Records and Archives Management was made, the government put into practice, so the management of records and archives in Korea could take a step of steady and continuous growth. But the development of the records producing bodies and civil society is staying at the low level as yet. Accordingly it is expected to have the most important means that the professional instruction become to normalize and archivists who posted in public agencies after graduating professional education program discharge their duties. And each public agencies have to speed up to set up the institutions for records management including some archivists so that overcome the condition of underdevelopment as fast as possible.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.51 no.3
• /
• pp.104-121
• /
• 2018

The purpose of this paper is to contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the Buddhist art in Jeju which has rarely been in the mainstream discussions about the Korean art by focusing on the statues of Jabok Mireuk, or Maitreya of Wealth and Fortune. The Buddhist art in Jeju reached its heyday during the late phase of the Goryeo period (918-1392). The imperial court of Yuan (1271-1368) established Beophwasa, one of its guardian temples which was also a "complementary temple" of Goryeo (918-1392). In 1296, the community of monks based in Myoryeonsa Temple published the Jeju edition of the Buddhist canon granted by the royal court of Goryeo, contributing to the foundation of the island's academic culture. Other items representing the heyday of the Buddhist art of Jeju include the Vajra Guardian carved on the greenschist pagoda of Sujeongsa Temple built during the late Goryeo period and the Five-story Stone Pagoda of Bultapsa Temple made from the locally obtained basalt rock during the early $14^{th}$ century. The Buddhist art of Jeju during the Joseon period (1392-1910) is represented by Jabok Mireuk, or Maitreya of Wealth and Fortune, a pair of stone statues of Maitreya Buddha carved to feature three aspects of the Maitreya worship spread among the local folks in the period. Each of the statues is in a peaked cap and official's robe and characterized by bulging eyes comparable to those of the Buddhist guardian deities such as the Vajra guardian who were designed to protect a sacred area against evil forces. The Maitreya statues provide valuable sources of knowledge about the types of Maitreya adopted by the worshippers of local folk religion in the Joseon period. The Jabok Mireuk statues in Jeju can be easily compared with the Two Rock-carved Standing Buddhas in Yongmi-ri, Paju (1471), and the two standing stone Buddhas in Daeseongsa Temple in Okcheon (ca 1491) and on the Sipsinsa Temple site in Gwangju in that they all wear peaked caps in the "treasure canopy" style which gained popularity during the early Joseon period. One may conclude then that these statues are related with the Neo-Confucian elites who wanted the Joseon dynasty they established to prosper under the auspices of the Buddha of the Future. Interestingly, the enshrinement of the stone Buddha of Daeseongsa Temple is presumed to have been participated by Yuk Han who had served as the Governor (Moksa) of Jeju, suggesting its connection with the Jabok Mireuk despite the regional difference in their style.

• 한국사회정책
• /
• v.23 no.1
• /
• pp.1-23
• /
• 2016

This study evaluates the strategic capacity of Korean labor union movement by examining policy alternatives and strategic steps that the Federation of Korean Trade Unions and the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions have shown in response to Park Geun-Hye government's labor market structuring policies. While the government-led labor reform was carried out as intended, organized labor has not simply failed to achieve progressive labor reforms to enhance employment security, but also to exert their strategic capacity effectively for preventing Park's labor market flexibilization policies. The two national centers have not been able to exert their strategic capacity (such as intermediating, framing, articulating, learning) for mobilizing the resources of internal solidarity, network embeddedness, narrative discourse, and organizational infrastructure. In particular, the formation and diffusion of public discourse is a significant part of strategic capacity of labor unions dealing with the labor politics of labor market restructuring, since organized labor, which is under the unfavorable constraints of limited movement resources and power imbalance with the business circle, needs to mobilize massive support and participation from union members and civil society organizations. In this light, it becomes of more importance for labor union movement to exert their strategic capacity toward internal solidarity and network embeddedness in the stage of labor market reforms. Under the recent stage of labor reforms, however, the labor unions has not harnessed their movement resources effectively, but undertaken their protest in a traditional manner, thereby losing its public efficacy from inside and outside. Moreover, it is necessary to build and activate the network of organic solidarity among organized labor, civil society organizations and progressive political parties, in order to cope with the pro-business coalition of power elites for accomplishing pro-labor reforms.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.70
• /
• pp.303-345
• /
• 2018

In this article, how the Bangmok(榜目) documents, which are essentially lists of successful passers for the civil competitive examination system of the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ dynasty, when rendered into digitalized formats, could serve as source of information, which would not only lets us know the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ individuals' social backgrounds and bloodlines but also enables us to understand the intricate nature that the Yangban network had, will be discussed. In digitalized humanity studies, the Bangmok materials, literally a list of leading elites of the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ period, constitute a very interesting and important source of information. Based upon these materials, we can see how the society -as well as the Yangban community- was like. Currently, all data inside these Bangmok lists are rendered in XML(eXtensible Makrup Language) format and are being served through DBMS(Database Management System), so anyone who would want to examine the statistics could freely do so. Also, by connecting the data in these Bangmok materials with data from genealogy records, we could identify an individual's marital relationship, home town, and political affiliation, and therefore create a complex narrative that would be effective in describing that individual's life in particular. This is a graphic database, which shows-when Bangmok data is punched in-successful passers as individual nodes, and displays blood and marital relations in a very visible way. Clicking upon the nodes would provide you with access to all kinds of relationships formed among more than 90 thousand successful passers, and even the overall marital network, once the genealogical data is input. In Korea, since 2005 and through now, the task of digitalizing data from the Civil exam Bangmok(Mun-gwa Bangmok), Military exam Bangmok (Mu-gwa Bangmok), the "Sa-ma" Bangmok and "Jab-gwa" Bangmok materials, has been completed. They can be accessed through a website(http://people.aks.ac.kr/index.aks) which has information on numerous famous past Korean individuals. With this kind of source of information, we are now able to extract professional Jung-in figures from these lists. However, meaningful and practical studies using this data are yet to be announced. This article would like to remind everyone that this information should be used as a window through which we could see not only the lives of individuals, but also the society.

• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.26 no.3
• /
• pp.1-50
• /
• 2016

This paper aims to investigate the cultural conflicts and characteristics of anti-Korean Wave discourse taken placed among Southeast Asian countries. To do this, it takes Vietnam and Indonesia as the study cases, which have been showing a trend of anti-Korean Wave discourse as well as high popularity of Hallyu. As research methods, the paper analyzes both on-line discourses of anti-Korean Wave and the email audience interviews from both countries. The results show some significant differences between the two countries as well as the similarity that Anti-Korean Wave discourses have been actively produced and disseminated through on-line media. As for Indonesia, the Anti-Korean Wave discourse pivots on the elements clashing between Indonesia's religion and cultural values and Korean consuming culture. According to the Anti-Korean Wave discourse, K-pop contents and entertainers are criticized for damaging the society's morals and cultural identities based on Islamic rules and values. Thus, the sentiment of the Anti-Korean Wave is likely to lead to the cultural nationalism for the sake of their cultural identity. As for Vietnam, anti-Korean Wave discourse mainly consists of issues on enthusiastic K-pop fans' anti-social behaviors and generational conflicts which are presumed attributed as the chief factor of the Anti-Korean Wave. In the Vietnamese discourse, social elites and adults treat the enthusiastic K-pop fans as those who are in need of educational care or psychological therapy. Unlike the Indonesian case, anti-Korean Wave discourse in Vietnam criticized the K-pop and the performer's competence for being cheap sexy and incompetence. They also denounce Korean dramas for their trite, typical story lines, use of excessive emotion, and unrealistic nature. However, the two country's interview participants have in common both acknowledged that rather than considering the Anti-Korean Wave as an issue that needs to be resolved it should be embraced as a natural cultural phenomenon.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.37
• /
• pp.473-507
• /
• 2009

The purpose of this study is to understand Zhuxi's Taoxuezhengzhi(道學政治) by reorganizing both his political opinion in each different political situation and his consistent political consciousness appeared in his whole political career. He concluded that the politics was the real problematic in Southern Sung, which made its structure distorted. This distorted structure of politics had widely rooted in whole sphere of society. In order to cure this political problematic, Zhuxi had focused on huangdi(皇帝) and chaoting(朝廷). That is why people is the basis of State and the result of politics, while huangdi and chaoting is the basis of politics and the beginnig of politics. According to Zhuxi, forming their political power group of their own will by using huangdi's power, the political elites close to only to huangdi made the function of chaoting unstable, with the result that the political decay produced. In chaoting, it resulted in the weakness of huangdi's power, the collapse of official discipline(紀綱), and the absence of public opinion(公論) and public aggreement(公議). Beyond chaoting, it resulted in the absence of political trust and the degeneration of public morals(風俗). In the Southern Sung were not altered the political orientation and culture based on the political decay, but only political orientation and characteristics of political elite only altered. This proves Zhuxi's approach that all problems in Southern Sung could resolve by the political approach. Zhuxi had suggested political issues in office. The alternatives for those political issues had basis of the theme, the one that saving people(恤民) is the purpose of politics. However his political ideas and the execution of them had been occsionally collapsed by the complex political structue, the mechanisms of political power, and the sameness and privatization of political geography in Southern Sung. Qingyuandanghuo(慶元黨禍) was the final stage of his political frustration, with the result that it led to the failure of Zhuxi's taoxuezhengzhi and interrupted the tradition of taoxue(道學) for the time being.

• CONCEPT AND COMMUNICATION
• /
• no.24
• /
• pp.165-191
• /
• 2019

Since July 2019, South Korea and Japan have been engaged in a cultural and economic conflict which originated in the differing stances of the two governments on the issues of sexual slavery and forced mobilization of Korean laborers before and during World War II. This ongoing dispute is a reminder that the fact of colonialism and the question of how it should be interpreted have not gone away: these are still present tense issues. The book's subtitle The Origin of the Korean Elite, What Did They Do When They Came back to Korea? makes clear that the elite class which held power and influence in the newly born Republic of Korea were actually educated in Japan, at the Japanese Imperial University. This book examines evidence which sheds light on the motives of Korean students attending the Imperial University, describing their academic studies and their lives after the liberation. By revealing this enduring substratum of "Japanese origins" at the heart of the South Korean establishment, a current which is not generally realized by Koreans today, the book allows us to re-examine our origins and thus to better understand our present-day identity and situation. It also addresses the question of how to confront these difficult questions, proposing a "historicization of what happened during the colonial period," which is not about hiding or minimizing the importance of our origins, but about facing up to reality as it actually happened.

• Strategy21
• /
• s.46
• /
• pp.239-276
• /
• 2020

The failure of early economic sanctions aimed at hurting the overall economies of targeted states called for a more sophisticated design of economic sanctions. This paved way for the advent of 'smart sanctions,' which target the supporters of the regime instead of the public mass. Despite controversies over the effectiveness of economic sanctions as a coercive tool to change the behavior of a targeted state, the transformation from 'comprehensive sanctions' to 'smart sanctions' is gaining the status of a legitimate method to impose punishment on states that do not conform to international norms, the nonproliferation of weapons of mass destruction in this particular context of the paper. The five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council proved that it can come to an accord on imposing economic sanctions over adopting resolutions on waging military war with targeted states. The North Korean nuclear issue has been the biggest security threat to countries in the region, even for China out of fear that further developments of nuclear weapons in North Korea might lead to a 'domino-effect,' leading to nuclear proliferation in the Northeast Asia region. Economic sanctions had been adopted by the UNSC as early as 2006 after the first North Korean nuclear test and has continually strengthened sanctions measures at each stage of North Korean weapons development. While dubious of the effectiveness of early sanctions on North Korea, recent sanctions that limit North Korea's exports of coal and imports of oil seem to have an impact on the regime, inducing Kim Jong-un to commit to peaceful talks since 2018. The purpose of this paper is to add a variable to the factors determining the success of economic sanctions on North Korea: preventing North Korea's evasion efforts by conducting illegal transshipments at sea. I first analyze the cause of recent success in the economic sanctions that led Kim Jong-un to engage in talks and add the maritime element to the argument. There are three conditions for the success of the sanctions regime, and they are: (1) smart sanctions, targeting commodities and support groups (elites) vital to regime survival., (2) China's faithful participation in the sanctions regime, and finally, (3) preventing North Korea's maritime evasion efforts.