• Journal of Nutrition and Health
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• v.50 no.3
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• pp.270-283
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• 2017

Purpose: This study was conducted to examine coffee consumption behaviors, dietary habits, and nutrient intakes by coffee intake amount among university students. Methods: Questionnaires were distributed to 300 university students randomly selected in Gongju. Dietary survey was administered during two weekdays by the food record method. Results: Subjects were divided into three groups: NCG (non-coffee group), LCG (low coffee group, 1~2 cups/d), and HCG (high coffee group, 3 cups/d) by coffee intake amount and subjects' distribution. Coffee intake frequency was significantly greater in the HCG compared to the LCG (p < 0.001). The HCG was more likely to intake dripped coffee with or without milk and/or sugar than the LCG (p < 0.05). More than 80% of coffee drinkers chose their favorite coffee or accompanying snacks regardless of energy content. More than 75% of coffee takers did not eat accompanying snacks instead of meals, and the HCG ate them more frequently than LCG (p < 0.05). Breakfast skipping rate was high while vegetable and fruit intakes were very low in most subjects. Subjects who drank carbonated drinks, sweet beverages, or alcohol were significantly greater in number in the LCG and HCG than in the NCG (p < 0.01). Energy intakes from coffee were $0.88{\pm}5.62kcal/d$ and $7.07{\pm}16.93kcal/d$ for the LCG and HCG. For total subjects, daily mean dietary energy intake was low at less than 72% of estimated energy requirement. Levels of vitamin C and calcium were lower than the estimated average requirements while that of vitamin D was low (24~34% of adequate intake). There was no difference in nutrient intakes by coffee intake amount, except protein, vitamin A, and niacin. Conclusion: Coffee intake amount did not affect dietary nutrient intakes. Dietary habits were poor,and most nutrient intakes were lower than recommend levels. High intakes of coffee seemed to be related with high consumption of sweet beverages and alcohol. Therefore, it is necessary to improve nutritional intakes and encourage proper water intake habits, including coffee intake, for improved nutritional status of subjects.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.349-371
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• 2017

"Hajaeilgi(荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon(司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life events he did see or hear about. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about folklore. Ji Gyu-sik wrote in his "Hajaeilgi" about things related to folklore, for example, seasonal customs, folk plays, rituals, or folk beliefs that were actually practiced then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material, and it is meaningful in the aspects of folklore as well. Therefore, as part of the work to look into folklore found in "Hajaeilgi", this author focuses on national rituals and folk beliefs in it. The things that have been discussed earlier can be summed up as follows: About national rituals, it is sorry that it only deals with the emperor's enthronement and emperor and crown prince's birthday in garye(嘉禮); however, it is meaningful to know that the people faithfully carried out national ceremonies and celebrations then. Particularly, it is noteworthy that during the national ceremonies or celebrations, students were asked to sing the national anthem. About hyungrye(凶禮), only it deals with the court funeral rite. Aside from Minbi's funeral rite, the court funeral rite was performed properly at the right time according to the procedure like before, and also, it seems that the people fulfilled it faithfully by order of the government. Also, it can be learned from it that Japanese killed Minbi, burned the body with oil, and left the ashes behind. About folk beliefs, the branch held a memorial service at the shrine of the town regularly. The town, too, performed Gocheongsinsa each year. The money needed for the memorial service was collected from the town people differently according to their financial situations, and they prepared for jesu for the ancestral rite altogether. The memorial service was carried out in Sansindang or Bugeundang, too, and it was common that they summoned a shaman to perform a gut. The diary is valuable as material. After being a Christian, Ji Gyu-sik once tried to abolish sinsa jesa held in hoesa and get rid of saesin(賽神), that is, a gut or pudakgeori, but he had no choice but to follow the precedent. Meanwhile, it is also noteworthy that when the town suffered from floor and infectious disease, Ji Gyu-sik installed an altar in front of his house for the town's wellbeing and health, prepared for jesu including offerings and drinks, and held a memorial service to Hwangcheonhuto(皇天后土; the gods of heaven and earth) accompanied with the town people. Also, when he had any hardships in his family, Ji Gyu-sik summoned a shaman for a gut or offered a devout prayer to the mountainous god. Such shamanism or the things like worshiping Gwanseongjegun(關聖帝君) mostly in the beginning of January and telling fortunes about the year were all folk beliefs. This was very popular among the people, and it seems that it was deeply rooted in his life as well. Also, Ji Gyu-sik supported Fengshui beliefs, and it seems that it is not different from the people's general tendencies, either. As described above, "Hajaeilgi" dealing with national rituals and folk beliefs in it is valuable as material and is meaningful for research on forklore, and moreover, it is also significant in the aspects of forklore as well.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.38 no.6
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• pp.709-720
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• 2009

This study was conducted to identify daily caffeine intakes in beverages for elementary school children and to evaluate its effectiveness after nutrition education. The caffeine contents of 140 commercial beverages were analysed by high performance liquid chromatography-ultraviolet detector (HPLC-UV) and information about their consumption were obtained by surveying 267 children. Researchers gave nutrition education to the children, who were 6 to 11 years old and attended 9 classes of 3 elementary schools, by lecture, Powerpoint file and moving picture. Their preference and intake amount on beverages were investigated by questionnaire before and after nutrition education. The order on caffeine contents was coffee ($33.8{\pm}2.4{\sim}49.1{\pm}5.6\;mg/100\;mL$)> coffee milk ($10.6{\pm}3.3\;mg/100\;mL$)> cola ($6.0{\pm}2.4\;mg/100\;mL$)> green black oolong tea drink ($6.0{\pm}2.4\;mg/100\;mL$)> chocolate milk and chocolate drink ($1.6{\pm}0.7{\sim}1.7\;mg/100\;mL$)> black ice tea mix ($1.3{\pm}1.7\;mg/100\;mL$). The order on children's preference was carbonated drink and fruit and vegetable drink (27%)> sports drink (26%)> processed cocoa mix (7%)> milk (6%)> vitamin & functional drink (3%)> green tea drink (2%)> black tea drink and coffee (1%). The average daily caffeine intakes except tea drink was $5.9{\pm}11.2$ mg/person/day ($0.17{\pm}0.32$ mg/kg bw/day), ranged from $0.0{\sim}80.5$ mg/person/day for children. The sources of caffeine were coffee 57% (3.4 mg/person/day), coffee milk 20% (1.2 mg/person/day), carbonated drink 15% (0.9 mg/person/day), chocolate milk and chocolate drink 6% (0.4 mg/person/day), and vitamin & functional drink 2% (0.1 mg/person/day). After nutrition education, the preference of carbonated drink, coffee, vitamin drinks & functional drink was decreased significantly (p<0.05, p<0.05, p<0.01) and the intakes of carbonated drink, chocolate milk & chocolate drink, and vitamin & functional drink were also decreased significantly (p<0.01, p<0.05, p<0.01). This study has shown that nutrition education influences the preference and the intake behavior of caffeinated beverages.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.104
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• pp.40-69
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• 2023

This paper examines the relationship between celadon wine vessels and royal banquets by focusing on their unique forms. It explores the symbolism in their forms and designs and the changes that took place in the composition of these vessels. By examining the royal annals in Goryeosa (The History of the Goryeo Dynasty), the relation of celadon wine vessels and royal banquets is examined in terms of the number of banquets held in the respective reigns of the Goryeo kings, the number of banquets held by type, and the purpose of holding them. A royal banquet was a means of strengthening the royal authority by reinforcing the hierarchy and building bonds between the king and his vassals. It was also an act of ruling that demonstrated the king's authority and power through praise of his achievements and virtues. Royal banquets were held most often during the reigns of King Yejong (r. 1105-1122), King Uijong (r. 1146-1170), King Chungnyeol (r. 1274-1308), and King Gongmin (r. 1351-1374). Particular attention is paid here to the changes in the types and forms of celadon wine vessels that occurred starting in the reigns of King Yejong and King Chungnyeol, which is also the period in which the number of royal banquets increased and royal banquet culture evolved. The king and his subjects prayed for the king's longevity at royal banquets and celebrated peaceful reigns by drinking and performing various related acts. Thus, the visual symbolism of vessels for holding, pouring, or receiving alcohol were emphasized. Since the manner of drinking at a banquet was exchanges of pouring and receiving alcohol between the king and his subjects, the design of the ewers and cups had a significant visual impact on attendees. It can be seen, therefore, that decorating wine vessels with Daoist motifs such as the immortals, luan (a mythological bird), turtle dragons, fish dragons, and gourd bottles or with Confucian designs like hibiscus roots was intended as a visual manifestation of the purpose of royal banquets, which was to celebrate the king and to pray for both loyalty and immortality. In particular, the Peach Offering Dance (獻仙桃) and Music for Returning to the Royal Palace (還宮樂), which correspond to the form and design of celadon wine vessels, was examined. The lyrics of the banquet music embodied wishes for the king's longevity, immortality, and eternal youth as well as for the prosperity of the royal court and a peaceful reign. These words are reflected in wine vessels such as the Celadon Taoist Figure-shaped Pitcher housed in the National Museum of Korea and the Bird Shaped Ewer with Daoist Priest in the Art Institute of Chicago. It is important to note that only Goryeo celadon wine vessels reflect this facet of royal banquet culture in their shape and design. The composition of wine vessel sets changed depending on the theme of the banquet and the types of liquor. After Goryeo Korea was incorporated into the Mongol Empire, new alcoholic beverages were introduced, resulting in changes in banquet culture such as the uses and composition of wine vessel sets. From the reign of King Chungnyeol (r. 1274-1308), which was under the authority of the Yuan imperial court, royal banquets began to be co-hosted by kings and princesses, Mongolian-style banquets like boerzhayan (孛兒扎宴) were held, and attendees donned the tall headdress called gugu worn by Mongol women. During the reign of King Chungnyeol, the banquet culture changed 132 banquets were held. This implies that the court tried to strengthen its authority by royal marriage with the Yuan court, which augmented the number of banquets. At these banquets, new alcoholic drinks were introduced such as grape wine, dongnak (湩酪), and distilled liquor. New wine vessels included stem cups, pear-shaped bottles (yuhuchunping), yi (匜), and cups with a dragon head. The new celadon wine vessels were all modeled after metal wares that were used in the Yuan court or in the Khanates. The changes in the celadon wine vessels of the late Goryeo era were examined here in a more specific manner than in previous studies by expanding the samples for the study to the Eurasian khanates. With the influx of new types of wine vessels, it was natural for the sets and uses of Goryeo celadon wine vessels to change in response. The new styles of celadon wine vessels linked the Goryeo court with the distant Khanates of the Mongol Empire. This paper is the beginning of a new study that examines the uses of Goryeo celadon by illuminating the relations between royal banquets and these unique celadon wine vessels that are stylistically different from everyday vessels. It is to be hoped that more studies will be conducted from diverse perspectives exploring both the usage of Goryeo celadon vessels and their users.