• Speech Sciences
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• v.5 no.2
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• pp.41-55
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• 1999

This paper aims to acoustically analyze the merger of back vowels in North Korean dialects which I believe, are here investigated for the first time since 1945. North Korean back vowels are distinctive from South Korean back vowels because they merge mainly on the back vowel space, while front vowels merge mainly in Seoul standard language and other South Korean dialects. In this paper the future of the vowel systems caused by the merger of the vowels in Korean dialects will also be investigated. North Korean dialects examined include dialects of the Pyungan, the Hamkyung, and the Hwanghae Provinces. North Korean back vowels are distinctive from South Korean back vowels because they merge mainly on the back vowel space, while front vowels merge mainly in Seoul standard language and other South Korean dialects.

• Phonetics and Speech Sciences
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• v.15 no.4
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• pp.101-107
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• 2023

This study aims to propose an automatic method of detecting vowel variation in the Korean dialects of Gyeong-sang and Jeol-la. The method is based on error patterns extracted using phone recognition. Canonical and recognized phone sequences are compared, and statistical analyses distinguish the vowels appearing in both dialects, the dialect-common vowels, and the vowels with high mismatch rates for each dialect. The dialect-common vowels show monophthongization of diphthongs. The vowels unique to the dialects are /we/ to [e] and /ʌ/ to [ɰ] for Gyeong-sang dialect, and /ɰi/ to [ɯ] in Jeol-la dialect. These results corroborate previous dialectology reports regarding phonetic realization of the Korean dialects. The current method provides a possibility of automatic explanation of the dialect patterns.

• MALSORI
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• no.46
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• pp.1-11
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• 2003

This study examines the acoustic characteristics of Korean stops of two dialects, Seoul and Kyungsang, focusing on VOT(Voice Onset Time). 8 speakers of these two dialects were asked to read 590 words which contain the stops of different places of articulation and phonation types. The results showed that overall the VOTs of Kyungsang dialect were shorter than those of Seoul dialect. This was more prominent in lenis stops than in fortis or aspirated stops. It was also shown that there were significant VOT overlapping differences between the two dialects.

• Proceedings of the KSPS conference
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• 2004.05a
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• pp.139-142
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• 2004

This study examines the acoustic characteristics of Korean stops of two dialect, Seoul and Daegu, 20 speakers of these two dialects were asked to read 15 words containing the stops of different places of articulation and phonation types at initial. The stops in the two dialects show mainly two acoustic differences. Firstly, There was a difference in distinctive features for phonetic types in the two dialects. Secondly, lenis revel fortis`s characters in Daegu dialect.

• 중국학논총
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• no.67
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• pp.61-80
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• 2020

This paper analyzes the formation of Tianjin dialect by investigating the immigration situation in Tianjin in history, analyzing the rhyme phenomenon of Tianjin dialect and comparing Tianjin dialect with surrounding dialects. First of all, with the need of transferring grain from the south to the north after the Ming Dynasty, the canal-centered grain transportation industry developed, and the immigrants in Tianjin naturally began to increase. In the Qing Dynasty, a large number of commercial immigrants flowed into various areas of Tianjin with the expansion of Tianjin's urban scale. This way of immigration makes Tianjin dialect preserve some dialectal features of other regions. By comparing with other Mandarin dialects, it is found that this is not only a feature of Tianjin dialect, but also a common feature in other Mandarin dialects. Therefore, we can draw a conclusion that the opinion of considering the dialect of one region is the mother dialect of Tianjin dialect because a certain phonological feature of Tianjin dialect is the same as that of other specific area is not appropriate. On the other hand, these immigrant dialects, which well reflects the characteristics of Tianjin, just show that these dialects have formed the present Tianjin dialect in the form of integration after the Ming and Qing Dynasties.

• International Journal of Internet, Broadcasting and Communication
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.142-148
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• 2015

The main purpose of this squib is to provide a new principled account for variation of canonical sentence structure in Korean and Japanese based on the linguistic data commonly observed in some dialects of Korean and Japanese. Unlike the English case in which Comp(lementizer) such as 'that' in an embedded clause freely drops as far as the ECP (Lasnik & Saito 1992) is obeyed, some dialects of both Korean and Japanese show interesting linguistic data very different from those of English, thereby leading us to reasonably doubt the traditionally-accepted paradigm of the canonical sentence structure of CP for all languages. In this squib I propose, based on Korean & Japanese dialects and by developing the Minimal Structure Principle (MSP) ($Bo{\check{s}}kovi{\acute{c}}$ 1997, p. 25), that the cannonical structure of a sentence is not fixed, from the beginning at all, to be one single maximal category, CP. Instead, it should be decided to be either CP or IP, based on the feature of [${\pm}$markedness] and MSP, and the marked (or non-cannonical) embedded sentence needs to satisfy ECP for adjacency (or feature-licensing by the matrix verb in the MP terminology).

• Speech Sciences
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• v.6
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• pp.33-44
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• 1999

This paper aims to analyze whether the phenomenon of /u/$\rightarrow$/i/ is a hypercorrection or not in the North Korean dialects. Most North Koreans pronounce /i/(gold) as /kum/ because the vowel /i/ merges into the peripheral vowel space of /u/ in their dialects. The merger of back vowel is one of most distinctive characters in North Korean dialects. But some speakers pronounce /chubann/(exile) as /chiban/. This time /u/ in peripheral space moves to /i/ in central vowel space. It seems that the vowels /i/ and /u/ exchange places with each other when they uttered in North Korean. Though it was observed that the vowel movement of /i/$\rightarrow$/u/ was caused by the merger of back vowels, the reason why vowel /u/ moves in the opposite direction, that is, the central space of vowel /i/ has not been analyzed yet. This experiment starts with hypothesis that the movement of /u/$\rightarrow$/i/ might be caused by hypercorrection. The first step of this research is to analyze /u/$\rightarrow$/i/ pronunciation of North Koreans. The second step is to compare the results of North Korean pronunciation with those of South Korean pronunciation and observe whether tendency of /u/$\rightarrow$/i/pronunciation can also be found in the standard Seoul dialect and other South Korean dialects.

• MALSORI
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• v.55
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• pp.33-43
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• 2005

This paper investigates the word accent pattern of Cheju dialects in Korean and determines whether it varies according to the age as well as the word itself and where the speakers come from. On the basis on the theory of pitch accent, which was suggested by Koo(1993) and Jung(1965) for the Korean standard accent, the fundamental frequency of each syllable is measured. The syllable that has the highest frequency is labelled for 2, while the rests for 1. The results of the experiment are that the two syllabic words have 21 accent pattern, while the three syllabic words 121 pattern and the four syllabic words 1211. In addition to this characteristic of accent pattern in Cheju dialects, it is interesting that the older the speakers, the less accent pattern the utterance has as suggested above.

• Lingua Humanitatis
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• v.8
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• pp.291-313
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• 2006

Previously, studies concerning the Russian dialects have been mainly focused on northern, central, and southern dialects limited to western Russia of Ural Mountains. On the contrary, the Siberian and Far-eastern dialects have been completely disregarded to the main stream of the Russian dialectology. As a result of a poll concerning this idea, the majority has answered that there is no dialect in Siberian and Far-east regions. Though the reasons for the outcome of the poll could vary, it could not be simply accepted that there is no dialect in such vast regions. Thus, a survey has took place to examine the existence of dialects in the regions of Siberia and Far-east. The first phase of the survey inquired the residents of the regions including Siberia and Far-east to respond to questions regarding 83 vocabularies on wedding in contrast to the regions covering western Ural and Moscow. The 23 informants were residents of the concerned regions who have come to visit Pushkin National Institute of Russian Language and, others, Korea. The questionnaires used in this survey were partly obtained from the questionnaires originated by the Language Institute of St. Petersburg National University. Although the limited range of regions and a small number of respondents who partook in this survey could raise some issues on the table, it is relevant to understand that this study would open up the path for the development of studies concerning regional dialects in the future.

• Phonetics and Speech Sciences
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• v.5 no.4
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• pp.137-143
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• 2013

Recent investigation of acoustic correlates of Korean stop manner contrasts has reported a diachronic transition in Korean stops: young Seoul speakers are relatively more dependent on the F0 characteristics of the stops than on the VOT characteristics in aspirated and lenis stop distinction. This finding has been examined against tonal dialects of Korean and the results suggested that the speakers of tonal dialects are not sharing the transition. These results also suggested that F0 function for segmental stop classification interferes with the function for lexical tone classification in their tonal speech. The current study investigated these findings in terms of perception. Perceptual behavior of Seoul and Busan speakers of Korean was examined in a comparative manner through the measurement of perceptual cue weight of F0 and VOT in particular. The results from regression and correlation analyses revealed that Busan speakers are closer to older Seoul speakers than to younger Seoul speakers in that the cue weight for VOT and F0 were comparable in the aspirated-lenis stop distinction. This result was in contrast to the perceptual behavior of younger Seoul speakers who showed clear dominance of F0 over VOT for the same distinction. These findings provided perceptual evidence of the dual function of F0 for segmental and lexical distinctions in tonal dialects of Korean.