Journal of the Korea Institute of Information and Communication Engineering
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v.26
no.12
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pp.1880-1889
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2022
The online portal platform provides online news with online comments, but the anonymity of comments causes incivility, and online comments are considered social problems. While there are many foreign language-based incivility detection studies, in-depth research is not being conducted in Korea since there has not been implemented Korean language dataset which is labeled detailed criteria of incivility. In this study, the incivility notation of comments was conducted in a total of 13 items, uncivil words were summarized. Furthermore, Attention algorithm was applied to each comment and summary to extract embedding vectors. 2-d CNN followed at the end to detect incivility in given data. As a result, we showed that the proposed algorithm is useful for anti-citizen detection such as name-calling and offensive tones. This study is expected to contribute to the formation of a healthy online comment culture by detecting uncivil comments which hinder democratic discourse.
The history of decentralization and autonomy is the result of the struggle for democracy against the authoritarian central government. Before the imminent law amendment, there are many tasks for decentralization and citizen autonomy. Therefore, decentralization and autonomy are not given on their own but they must be taken from authoritarian and centralist power group which possesses exclusive interests. The decentralization and autonomy now enters into the stage of development. In 1960, the April 19 Revolution opened the era of democratic local autonomy and it was abolished by the military coup of May 16, Now, the era of the reform of the decentralization are coming. Decentralization and autonomy will evolve from the stage of quantitative expansion to the stage of qualitative leap. This paper proposes that the revision of decentralization be the strategic maximum, and that the independence of the local government personnel rights be the tactical minimum. This paper insists that the independence of personnel right in the local government can be a link with law amendment for decentralization. Local autonomy and decentralization are the main subjects of the amendment. Above all, clarifying this is the subject and method of this study, and the scope of the study.
Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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v.46
no.3
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pp.103-116
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2018
The Park Act (1967~1980) was the first law to define urban parks in Korea. The urban parks of that time were similar to a reservation area used for other purposes after giving regulation. Because 'the urban park as a reservation area' in the past is a repeated park issue in the present, it is necessary to consider the issues of the original law system that created the cause. From this perspective, this study analyzed the legislation to reserve an urban park by collecting bills and information about the factual relationship between 1960 70s park issues and the Park Act. Analysis showed that the reason for the adoption of different kinds of urban parks in the law of a nature park is that a negative list separated from the Urban Planning Act is required to curb private usage. Inherent in the Park Act, however, was the problem of allowing the encroachment of urban parks by governmental power. (1) The Park Act sets out a wide range of cases to abolish urban park. (2) Unclear setting of governmental power could abuse the urban park. (3) Insufficient standards were able to erode the urban park with large for-profit facilities. (4) The inactivity of the Urban Public Park Committee had reduced democratic decision-making and professional judgement on park issues. Therefore, the Park Act was characterized as infringing on the environment and right to urban parks and took a passive attitude in creating parks and in citizen usage thereof. The Park Act had limitations as a progenitor for establishing the characteristics and concepts of urban parks.
This research aimed at suggesting the implication of Korean unification education based on German unification education, which country achieved unification from the divided country as Korea. Germany named unification education as the political education. German political education includes democratic citizen education, peace education, and solidarity education between the peoples. Also, besides school unification education, civic organization and parties treat political education. German political education is conducted by being shared with role by main government and several organizations, when the federal government level suggests a big frame. Also, political education with proper content could be conducted suitable for the characteristic of main area and the color of the party and civic organizations. Of course, federal government supports administrative financial support enough on this. In such situation, German people have naturally accepted and developed political education without distance. This situation has lots of implication on Korea. First, systematic system of unification education. In Korea, unification education is conducted mainly by Ministry of Unification and Education Center for Unification. However, in order to naturally approach the people, systematic system synthesizing civic organization, local government, religious organization, and educational local government should be established. Second, 'integration within acknowledgement of diversity'. In Korea, also, diversity should be acknowledged by being suggested by the country with the big frame, and the detailed parts by various institutions and civic organizations as Germany. Third, conversion to integrated education of unification education. Germany is conducting comprehensive education naming unification education as the political education. We also should prepare for coming unification in the near future by complementing the content by converting the mere unification education to comprehensive and integrated education.
This research focuses on how political talk shows by Channel A and TV Chosun provoke strong, negative emotions, such as anger or loathing, towards certain parties, politicians and groups only, and tries to explain what's the relation to Korean democracy crisis under the circumstances. Those talk shows by Channel A and TV Chosun, predominantly about anger and loathing towards oppositions, opposition politicians and pro-North Korea people, have contributed to practical exclusion of the citizens from the political process by their imaginary political participation rather than a role as a democratic public sphere, so they have functioned very well in order to sustain the system of Korean democracy as a way of 'the politics of exclusion', and have been retained regardless of their commercial success for the reason. In other words, the Korean democracy has systematically excluded every citizen and amplified ideological conflicts, and in that chaos of excessively produced emotions, has dealt with all the crucial matters using political technology, which is a serious problem. However, for the good of the political power who wants to keep such kind of political system, this became a reason why those Channel A and TV Chosun shows-sensational and politically biased-have survived, and since Channel A and TV Chosun are remarkably functional within the continuance of that political system they can keep being influential in politics.
The advent of Social Journalism coincided with the rise of social media to create and deliver news information; as a type of civic journalism, social journalism may be characterized as a new form of information gathering and news reporting which is fed by citizens creating news information through their use social networking services (SNSs). The current study analyzed a Facebook page called, to determine how this page was utilized during the onset of the citizen movement for the Egyptian democratic revolution to produce news, to facilitate interaction among the public and to deliver the news under the form of networked journalism. Each post uploaded onto the Facebook page from January 27 till February 2, 2011 was coded in its category, content and the contextual frame of the news. The results of the study showed that during the first week, straight news rather than those with opinions was produced most frequently. The research findings of the current study suggest that in a society of political turmoil, such as in Egypt and other Arabic countries, when the institutionalized media are controlled severely by the government or other forces, SNSs can perform journalistic media roles which create and distribute news information representing facts and reality, and simultaneously facilitate the public's interactions on social and political issues.
This article addresses the 2nd Korean consensus conference on cloning that was held by the Korean National commission for UNESCO in 1999. Though previous perspectives recognized the conference as a new citizen's participatory institution. they do not consider that it contains the ideal of deliberative democracy. This article notes that the citizens participated directly and handled the important social agenda through debate in the consensus conference. The consensus conference is another democratic form derived from preference aggregating democracy in the sense that it basically depends on public judgement of the citizens. This consensus conference has the historical meaning because it is in fact the first experiment of deliberative democracy in Korea. 1) We examine the theoretical foundations of consensus conference. They are social constructionism of science, the tradition of societal debate, and deliberative democracy. 2) We explore what deliberative democracy is. It is different from aggregating preference democracy in the sense that it depends on public judgement rather than private preferences. 3) We investigate the features and meaning of deliberative democracy which has experiment on the conference. In the Consensus Conference it was observed that citizens changed their preferences and went forward to developing their view of community as a result of the process of deliberation. It can be said to confirm the significance of deliberative democracy. However, it is simultaneously an opportunity to clarify some problems of deliberative democracy. First of all, it shows that there were hierarchies within the citizens' panel as well as between the citizens' and the specialists' panels. Secondly, there are difficulties in expressing the value of life in argument or discourse. Also, we need the institutional efforts concerning future generations and nonhuman beings in the respect that cloning relates to them.
In democracy basic rights such as political equality and participation through elections have been respected, opportunities of corporation and opposition have been guaranteed, and ability of self-learning and self-correction have been developed. These positive factors give preconditions for the welfare development in the democratic state. Because in this state adults get the suffrage and the open competition for official positions induces political parties use social policies as means to win the election. That is to say, political parties have an incentive to use various social policies to win the election. Democracy, therefore, has affinity with social policy. The affinity between democracy and social policy can be found also in Korea which was democratized in 1987. But, in Korea, the positive relationship between democracy and social policy is very weak due to the problem of constitutional structures. Korean Parliament usually enacts abstract social act and delegates the right to fill concrete contents of the social acts to the executive. Delegation itself has no problem, but excessive delegation is a problem since the executive can overuse its discretion as sacrificing the social rights of the citizen. In addition social consensus could not be achieved in this constitutional structures, which are a obstacle to establishing a political process in the Parliament to promote the welfare development through party competition. Excessive delegation should be reduced, and the Parliament should fill concrete contents of the social acts as exercising its legislative power more. Then a mechanism of welfare development can be launched in Korea.
The purpose of this study is to analyze some problems of general high school and provide some promotion ways of general high school in Gyeongsangbuk-do in long and short term perspective, considering necessity for consolidating educational capacity of general high school which is in disadvantage due to high school diversity and special high school promotion policy. For this, first, the study explores educational policy basis of Park Geun-hye's government, educational policy direction of Gyeongsangbuk-do, educational situation of general high school in Gyeongbuk area, and main contents of educational capacity consolidation way of general high school. Main tasks of Gyeongsangbuk-do general high school educational capacity reconsideration based on the educational capacity consolidation way of Ministry of Education are (1) enlargement of autonomy for formation and operation of focused curriculum by guidance, (2) enlargement of guidance and vocational education for general high school student, (3) consolidation of support program for student at risk, and (4) consolidation of support for general high school High-up program. For these main tasks are fixed and operated in school successfully, the fixation of school responsible management system based on geological environment and trait of each general high school, the application of whole quality control in school management, and the formation of cooperative school organizational culture should be constructed. And specific practice tasks and strategies for Gyeongsangbuk-do general high school educational capacity reconsideration (the cultivation of grobal democratic citizen, human being image in 2009 revised curriculum, and 'talented people with new thinking and genuine mind' of Gyeongsangbuk-do) are provided.
Journal of The Korean Association For Science Education
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v.39
no.2
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pp.233-248
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2019
This study shows that the Argovian Cantonal School in Aarau, Switzerland, which Albert Einstein attended from 1895 to 1896, had been closely related to the ideological education controversy in German Gymnasium throughout the 19th century. Due to this controversy, Einstein hardly received a formal science education in Bavaria. Despite the lack of formal education in Germany, he had a habit of self-studying from an early age and continued with this practice all through his life. He had a hard time at the authoritarian school in Munich, but at the democratic school in Aarau, where freedom and autonomy were secured, he was able to achieve emotional stability. For a long time, the city Aarau prevailed as a location of tolerance and multi-culturalism, without religious, regional, and national discrimination. This was possible due to the influence of external and unrestricted social mobility, as well as the Enlightenment from France. As a result, this small public school was able to acquire a mass of qualified human resources from outside of Switzerland. As a consequence of the controversy regarding the educational ideology, the Cantonal School adopted practical thoughts and the Enlightenment that fit the spirit of the times. The school consisted of two independent educational organizations: the Gymnasium, where the 'neuhumanistsch' education for the elite training was conducted, and the 'Gewerbeschule', where a more realistic education system was set up to suit the citizen life. In particular, after 1835, the Gymnasium changed gradually from the pure humanistic education to the 'utraquistisch' ways by introducing practical subjects such as natural history. Thereafter, the Cantonal School became an institution that was able to achieve a genuine humanity, academic, and civic life education. Einstein, who attended the 'technische Abteilung' of the 'Gewerbeschule,' considered this school as a role model of an institution that realized true democracy, and that left an unforgettable impression on him.
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