• Korean Security Journal
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• no.4
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• pp.5-27
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• 2001

This study analyzes the social function of democracy and the essential problems of social security of democracy. So far democracy has used a political term in politics. Democracy allows us the right to the freedom of individuality and social equality. Even scholars however, neglect to study about the criticism of democracy and social problems that are caused by democracy. It was expected that democracy would be valued by humans throughout the world. People have been fighting to establish a reliable political system of democracy. So they can have security in their society and the subject of politics. Therefore, We should consider study on democracy in function of democracy in relation to security of society and essential problems on what is democracy? Does democracy change with social change? Didier Bigo said, 'rising of freedom cause rising of a social unrest', B. Jeanneau said 'Democracy itself is the starting of social discord'. These are criticism of social security, the system and the function of democracy. It especially explains social discord and unrest that has occurred by an authoritative interpretation of democracy or the meaning of a word interpretation. It is a question of the day that it's converse the function of the system and the operation of democracy, act as social unrest.

• Journal of the Korean BIBLIA Society for library and Information Science
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• v.34 no.2
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• pp.137-158
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• 2023

In the modern digitized data society, there is a growing emphasis on securing trustworthiness and fairness in data utilization, along with data openness. By defining the concept of data democracy from various perspectives and presenting elements of normative values, this study aims to provide a basic conceptual framework to identify and evaluate the data governance system and levels of data democracy. As a foundation for the discussion of data democracy, based on Kneuer's (2016) conceptualization of e-democracy, free and equitable access, e-participation, and e-government were introduced as core dimensions of e-democracy. To improve the quality of data governance and foster a better understanding and practical application of the concept of data democracy, this study takes a normative approach from the perspective of democracy. Inclusiveness, equity, participation, and democratic sovereignty are provided as core dimensions of data democracy. This study highlights the significance of data literacy in promoting data democracy. It proposes the creation and assessment of a curriculum rooted in the normative principles of data democracy within the field of library and information science for future investigation.

• Journal of Service Research and Studies
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.1-24
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• 2022

This study was conducted to derive a new model for popular democracy in the modern society. The problem is exacerbated as the original model of democracy, isonomia, has faded and modern democracy is operated as a democracy in which the masses rule. Democracy is exposing a bigger problem due to the economic inequality caused by the majority rule and the capitalist economic system. Popular democracy, in which all the masses are equally qualified as sovereigns, is a structure in which cunning politicians can easily seize power if the voters are not wise. Isonomia is a system in which free people who solve economic problems on their own and have honesty, courage, dedication, sacrifice and sincerity set laws with the same qualifications, and keep the laws themselves, is a system that depends heavily on the conscience and virtue of free people. Modern popular democracy embodies the absolute equality of the sovereign regardless of economic power, but without the spirit of sacrifice and dedication to the community, those who can win popularity by wrapping themselves up as if they are sacrificial and capable people may seize power. This study presents a service-oriented democracy as a system that can maintain the merits of modern popular democracy while embodying the essence of isonomia. The system was implemented focusing on the qualifications for virtue, such as honesty, courage, sacrifice, integrity, etc., fair to all regardless of wealth. Human imperfections have been supplemented by the use of artificial intelligence. The assumption about the nature of the sovereign and public officials' agents was newly established, and the winner-take-allism problem was solved. This study proved that both the philosophy of Isonomia and the merits of Democracy can be realized through service-oriented democracy based on the common principle of humanity and the philosophy of service. Service-oriented democracy can be called revision democracy.

• Anayses & Alternatives
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.39-61
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• 2020

The Chinese Communist Party's 'with-Chinese-characteristics' discourse proclaims its superiority in reflecting people's genuine needs without poisonous partisan politics, as in Western democracies. The Party's Consultative Democracy is key to this superiority. To evaluate Consultative Democracy in Contemporary China from a perspective of popular sovereignty, which is the essential purpose of every kinds of democracy, this research looks into Consultative Democracy from two dimensions: theoretical dimension and institutional dimension. Theoretically, CCP's Consultative Democracy seeks its theoretical sources from their traditional thought as well as from Marxism, and especially emphasizes CCP's leadership to fulfill the consultation results. And through the analysis of various field investigations, we find that there are some prominent problems in grass-roots society's institutional mechanism for Consultative Democracy, such as insufficient connection between institutional innovation and existing legal system, inefficient consultation, insufficient representation of consultative subjects and weak motive force for sustainable development. By legitimizing certain groups or individuals as representatives in their consultative process, CCP can be de-legitimize by containing, dividing or denouncing others so that critics can be co-opted, neutralized or isolated. The CCP's consultative and representational processes are different from taking policy inputs as dialogue or negotiation as in democracies, it is a dynamic, largely one-way process of enforcement and direction with a clear political agenda: maintaining Party hegemony.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.23
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• pp.153-192
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• 2014

This article's purpose is to overcome the inadequacy of deliberative democracy for communication on the basis of Haewonsangsaeng. The inadequacy of deliberative democracy for communication is presented as the following two. First, as deliberative democracy treats civic virtue as instrumental thing, deliberative democracy is still in moral solipsism. Second, as deliberative democracy doesn't consider 'the inequality of power' among diverse political positions, the project of deliberative democracy for communication ends up in the exposure of the inequality of power among diverse political positions. Sangsaeng in Haewonsangsaeng concerned with inter-relationship over individualism treats civic virtue as original motility. In this context, Sangsaeng in Haewonsangsaeng is the alternative notion to overcome the first inadequacy of deliberative democracy for communication. Haewon in Haewonsangsaengas is the condition for Sangsaeng. and Haewon's method is to exclude or to eliminate the structural frame of Sanggeuk meaning mutual conflict and antagonism. This article presents two structural frame of Sanggeuk. First, First structural obstacle as internal obstacle is suggested through analyzing pluralism on the basis of existential philosophy. The result of the analysis is the 'antagonism' between the hegemonical value and the peripheral value. Second structural obstacle as external obstacle is the extinction of public sphere caused by the growth of market and the expansion of bureaucracy.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• no.119
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• pp.1-33
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• 2017

This article explore the relation between meritocracy and democracy in the context of South-Korea's confucian modernity. It starts with the confirmation that South-Korea's confucian-meritocratic tradition has positive influence on democracy, in similar way as in the western countries where meritocracy was as a basis for democracy evaluated. But meritocracy has not always the positive implication for democracy. This article shows that meritocracy is in its essence 'an ideology of the betrayal' which destroy the basis of democracy through producing and justifying extreme socio-economic inequalities between citizens. But the long confucian-meritocratic tradition of East Asia makes meritocracy ideology attractive for the people, so even the temptation of the 'political meritocracy' is strong, as we see in Singapore and China. This article argues that the political meritocracy cannot be the alternative of democracy, seeks the different way to overcome the crisis of democracy than meritocracy indicate. Finally, it discusses shortly which implications this sort of relation between meritocracy and democracy for the future of South-Korean democracy can have.

• Journal of the Korean Operations Research and Management Science Society
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• v.23 no.4
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• pp.225-234
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• 1998

little attention has been given to the analysis of electronic democracy media, although electronic democracy, if adopted in Korea, is expected to enhance the quality of the political culture to a large extent. This research is to compare electronic democracy media, such as Internet, cable TV, teleconferencing, fax, and ARS and suggest recommendations on the successful Introduction strategy of electronic democracy in Korea. The analysis of collected data yields research findings, such as the fact that internet will be the most effective medium and a strategy for popularizing internet needes to be developed in advance.

• 중국학논총
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• no.65
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• pp.193-213
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• 2020

Chen Du-xiu, a leading thinker and revolutionist in modern China, is the person who showed an ideological upheaval from liberalism to socialism. He called for personal freedom and the values of the individual, but when he came upon a national crisis and the Russian Revolution succeeded, he converted to socialism. In the process, he combined democracy with ethnicity to lay the foundation for Chinese social democracy. As one of representative thinkers of modern China, he changed his position for Chinese people and Chinese society, and it soon formed the basis of modern Chinese socialism, emphasizing the right to the survival of the people and people's democracy.

• American Studies
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• v.43 no.2
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• pp.57-81
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• 2020

The purpose of this essay is to reexamine the overlooked politico-philosophical paradoxes of early American democracy. From its beginning, the American Republic was predicated on the conceived notion of political autonomy and independence from the British Empire. Those who fought for the cause, as expressed in the Declaration of Independence, invented and internalized so-called self-evident propositions which served as the key ideological foundation of the American Republic. Moreover, the unique historical ontology of American democracy was coupled with the politico-philosophical necessity of collective fantastical belief in the equation of selfhood with nationhood. By delving into how particular philosophical ideas and political concepts helped shape the visionary imagination of framers and their contemporaries, I investigate the way in which philosophy and politics are constitutive of the ideological fabric of the substantial-both conceptual and practical-paradoxes of the early American democracy.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• v.8 no.11
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• pp.21-29
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• 2021

The objective of this study is to see how a country's level of democracy impacts the relationship between financial development and income disparity. We argue that political regimes, supported by their degree of democracy, are important for various decentralization theories to predict the impact of financial development on income inequality. Our study tests this argument using Vietnam time series data for the period 2000-2020 through the ARDL model. The financial development variable is represented by five proxies, the income inequality variable is represented by the GINI coefficient and the role of democracy is represented by the Freedom House Index. Data serving for the study is taken from data sources with high reliability. The results of the study have strong evidence that (1) financial development has a positive impact on income inequality, (2) democratic government will reduce national income inequality. (3) And a higher degree of democracy tends to mitigate the positive impact of financial development on income inequality. Thus, our study contributes to the literature by providing a new look at the mixed results regarding the relationship between financial development and theoretical income inequality. Finally, the article provides policy implications for the Government of Vietnam.