• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.1-33
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• 2003

From the study on Doo-Jong Kims view of history about the early Korea$(Korea\;herewith\;stands\;for\;Korea\;dynasty\;A.D.918{\sim}1392)s$ Medicine, I came to a conclusion as follows. 1. Doo-Jong Kim is stressing on the fact that Early Koreas Medicine inherited from Shilla dynasty and seemingly expressing the pride of national medical science. But actually he distorted the Koreas independent growth with flunkeyism and insisted that Koreas medicine only took over Shilla dynastys which based on Chinese Tang dynastys medical science. As a result, Koreas medicine was blurred and evaluated as nothing but Tangs medicine. But, the reasons of Doo-Jong Kims viewpoints were not based on the fact, but on his speculation. 2. About the medical system, Doo-Jong Kim viewed that Korea copied Chinese Soo & Tangs medical system, But the fact is that Korea only borrowed a part of Chinese medical systems name, for examples, Tae-I-Gam, Sang-Yak-Kook, Sang-Sik-Kook, etc., and its actual functions were different and grew in Koreas own way, As a result, the titles or roles in the system were very different from those of Chinas. Especially, Korea saw much development in Science of Acupuncture and Moxibustion that there was a specialist on Acupuncture, called I-Chim-Sa, and even had much influences on Chinese Acupuncture and Moxibustions growth, exporting Hwang-Je-Ne-Kyong to Chinese Song dynasty. 3. About the education system of medicine, Doo-Jong Kim viewed that Koreas medicine was only a copy of Shilla dynastys which was based on Chinese Tang dynastys, taking the medical examination curriculum as an example. The fact is that Tangs medical curriculum was three, Bon-Cho, Kab-Ul, Maek-Kyong, Shilla had seven, Bon-Cho-Kyong, Kab-Ul-Kyong, So-Moon-Kyong, Chim-Kyong, Maek-Kyong, Myong-Dang-Kyong, Nan-Kyong, and Korea had ten, So-Moon-Kyong, Kab-Ul-Kyong, Bon-Cho-Kyong, Myong-Dang-Kyong, Maek-Kyong, Dae-Kyong-Chim-Kyong, Nan-Kyong, Ku-Kyong, Ryu-Yon-Ja-Bang, So-Kyong-Chang-Jeo-Ron. Simply considering this, it is so clear that Koreas medical curriculum was much more upgraded one than that of China. 4. About the examination system for civil service, Doo-Jong Kim expressed that Shilla dynasty did not have such system, and only expounded knowledge of Shilla medicine, In case of China, Tang danasty Hyang-Kong was only a qualification test for civil service, which the result was completely dependent on applicants social status, Song danasty examination system was composed of three steps of Hyang-Si, Sung-Si, Jeon-Si (See Note1), but it stuck to formality by having Jeon-Si of anti-fraudulence use. On the other hand, examination system for civil service in Korea dynasty started in 958 by an advice of Ssang-Ki, Chin-Si in 977 and K대-Ja-Si (See Note 1), a kind of Hyang-Si, in 1024., Three steps of examination system made employment for civil service strictly fair, Moreover, it was possible for offsprings of concubine to be an applicant. These easily explain that the examination system of Korea dynasty was more upgraded one than that of China, Tang ＆ Song dynasty. Hyang-Si : Exam in local area Sung-Si : Exam in province for those who passed Hyang-Si Jeon-Si : Exam held with Koea Kings supervision for those who passed Hyang-Si Keo-Ja-Si : Selective exam in local area like Hyang-Si. From the reasons above, it is clear that Doo-Jong Kim was much biased by flunkeyism through Japanese colonialisam and expressed his view on Korea Medical History based on such theory of heteronomy and stasis. Moreover, without rigid historical evidence on records, he distored the fact by translating incorrectly on his purpose. Therefore, Doo-Jong Kims Korean Medical History must be reevaluated through rigid historical research and his mistranslation should be corrected.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.28
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• pp.297-329
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• 2010

This article is a preliminary essay for comparative study on Lao Zi Note of Park Sae Dang who lived Lee Dynasty in 17C and Hayashi La Zan who lived Doku Kawa Bakuhu in 17C. This article have two points at issue. First one is the their challenge that resisted the dogma of their own age. And the other one is their challenge of thaught had the academic background of the Lao Zi Note. They had a their own Lao Zi Note, Park Sae Dang朴世堂 had a New Note of Lao Zi 新註道德經 and Hayashi La Zan 林羅山 had a Selection Note of Lao Zi 老子抄解. However there are some different points between Park Sae Dang and Hayashi La Zan. The Hayashi La Zan's comprehension of Lao Zi followed in Lao Zi Note of Lin Xi Yi 林希逸 who had a point of Confucian comprehension of Lao Zi, so the study of Taoism of Hayashi La Zan excepted Zhuang zi. Hayashi La Zan concentrated on only Confucian comprehension of Lao Zi because Lin Xi Yi's Note of Zhuang Zi had a point of Zen Buddhism. However Park Sae Dang's the study of Taoism has Lao Zi and Zhuang Zi. He understood Lao Zi and Zhuang Zi in a base on Confucian comprehension. He indicated Confucian moral principle 修身治人 for a equal point of between Confucianism and Taoism. And he understood Cheng Xin成心 in Qiwulun in Zhuang Zi is similar to Xing性 of Xing Shan性善 in Meng Zi. Park Sae Dang analyzed not simply Lao Zi but also Zhuang Zi in a base on Confucian comprehension.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.22
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• pp.205-224
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• 1994

It was aimed to study the costume of Koryo dynasty based upon the thirty pictures of Bud-dha to hang on the wall among the existing Buddist paintings. The costume to study were made about 64 years during the King Chung-yol(1286) to the King Chung-jong(1350) which style was mostly related in Won Dynasty. 가) Men's wear ; 1. Hair style and hair dress ; Man tied up a top knot and they put on the hat such as a Kuan Kun and Mo. The young boys binds his hair up one, two, and three knot-s, and tied up with a hair ribbon, A kinds of Kuan-mo were Mine-lu-kuan Yuan-yu-kuan, Nong-kuan, Hae-chi-kuan Pok-du Yun-wha-kuan Yip-mo- and Tu-ku(Helmeto) 2. clothes ; 1) Colour of Koryo King's Mien-ku Kuan costume was not agree with blue and reddish black colour which was used in Yo, Song, Kum and Won Dynasty, however black and greenhish blue colour was agreed with. 2) The king wore T'ung-t'ien-kuan(Yuan-yu-kuan) and the government officials wore Chin-hien-kuan Hae-chi-kuan and Nong-kuan as a court dress. In general the king and the Crown Prince wore a hats which was used in T'ung-t'ien system however sometimes they wore small hats which was cited in literature. 3) Gate guard and upper garment wore colourful costume figured gold colour pattern which was distin-gtive costume system of Koryo. 4) A monk wore big sleeve long skirt big sleeve long jacket long skirt and shoulder scar-f full shoulder scarf or right hand shoulder opened scarf. 5) The Soldiers wore helmet shoulder or scarf pee-back hung-kap, pok-kap, yang-dan-g-kap we-yu-kap kun-kap, and boots and they carried arms. 6) The young boys wore scarf, loin cloth, long skirt, belt neckless, wan-silk, boots and foots wear and wristless. 나) Women's wear ; 1. Hair style and hairs and tied up with a hair ribbon and wore precious ston decorated hair dress wheel shape hair dress pan shaped head dress handkerchif covered hair dress decorated precious stone hair pin silk chippon made of head dress muf-fler shaped hairdress. Boots mocasin hae lee, suk and sandle wored as a shoes depends on the classes. They wore neckless, earing wres-tless and wan-pu-sik. 2. Closthe 1) High rank lade's wore un-kyun attached jacket and jacket sleeves decorated pleats and pleats decorated long skirt apron back apron knot belt, scarf this type is the same with Dang Dynasty five dynasty of china Song, Kum Won, Myung Dynasty and our cos-tume of Poe-hae, and Shilla Dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.6
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• pp.105-119
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• 1982

This thesis is mainly about the changes of Garment's collar(옷깃) and outer collar (옷섶) which indicate the identification of dress history. Through the observations of some reports about important folk materials and genuine objects, the author has investigated and rearranged them focusing on Yi-Dynasty. (1400-1900) For the shape of the outer lapels(겉깃) of Korean Jacket(저고리) were used together Squar-Tray-Collar(목판깃), Sharped-Collar(칼깃), and Dang ko-Collar(당코깃) and coming to the end of inner lapels(안깃) formed squar-tray-collar. Squar-tray-collar and sharped-collar were mainly used together for the shape of the outer lapels of Korean overcoat(포). Dang ko-collar was seen only in two overcoat. Coming to the 18th centry, the outer lapels became round-edged like those of jackets, while the inner lapels formed squar-tray-collar. In the process of positional changes of the collar and outer collar of Korean jacket and overcoat, the outer lapels positioned outside the outer collar, or a part of width of collar's positioned upon the outer collar, or the whole outer lapels positioned inside the outer collar. And through these changes the current position of the outer lapels became settled in the end of the 19th centry. But the inner lapels did not undergo many changes compared with the outer ones, and their position was mainly outside the outer collar like those of current lapels. And the garment's collar and outer collar of jacket and overcoat became small while the width and length of breast-tie(고름) became large.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.33 no.9
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• pp.1386-1397
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• 2009

This study investigates costumes for ball jointed dolls under the theme of Bok-yo(服妖): The Lady in Early-middle Joseon with relic costumes as a reference. The Bok-yo style was spread universally for Joseon women in the $15^{th}-16^{th}$ centuries, but it is an uncommon theme in the area of media and traditional costume for dolls. Bok-yo (curious outfit), consisted of a Dang-jeogori with a golden brocade in the front bottom, manlike Jang-ot, wide Chima, and Jang-ot was dressed between Chima and the Dang-jeogori. To make correct patterns and approvals for idle bodies of female ball-jointed dolls, darts are added in the front vertical line and center back of the golden brocade Dan-jeogori for Joseon ladies. The pattern of the golden brocade Chima is made as a trapezoid shape for the thin waist of a doll, and the length of a deep-greened silk gauze The Jang-ot increased because of the length of the doll's legs. In addition, the kinds of investigated accessories, hair, traditional underwear for dolls are limited. Suggested is a closer cooperation between the investigated costume designers, doll companies, and accessory makers for the future market of ball jointed dolls.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.56 no.7 s.107
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• pp.1-17
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• 2006

This study purposed to examine Korean people's white clothes custom historically and to explain the aesthetic consciousness latent in the custom. Korean people preferred white clothes, even up to foreigners called them White-clad folk. Not only as in old historical literatures, but also in Soo-suh, Shin-Dang-suh including Sam-Kuk-Ji in China, white clothes were a real symbol to Korean people, ranging chronically far back to the age of ancient tribal countries, Sam-Kuk Period through Koryo Dynasty and even to modern age near the end of Chosun Dynasty, wearing with pleasure regardless of age, sex or social position. Even King himself in Koryo Dynasty is said to have worn white clothes when he was out of official hours. During the Koryo and Chosun Dynasty, white clothes were sometimes prohibited for various reasons including conflicts with the theories of yin-yang and the five elements but such regulations were not effective. To Korean people, white clothes were ordinary people's everyday dress as well as noble people's plain suits, saints' uniforms with religious meanings, ceremonial costumes, funeral garments, etc. The various uses show that white clothes have been worn by many people. The unique custom that a People have worn white clothes consistently for such a long time may contain very deep symbolic meanings representing the people's sentiments and spirits. The present study understood that the meanings come from religious sacredness, magical wish for brightness, the pursuit of purity originating from the people's national traits, assimilation with nature and the will to attain whole ascetic personality. Aesthetic attitudes based on aesthetic values summed up as sacredness, brightness, purity, assimilation with nature, asceticism, etc. are the aesthetic consciousness pursued by Koreans through their white clothes. For Koreans, white color is the origin of their color sense coming from primitive religions such as worshipping the sun and the heaven. In this way, Korean people's preference for white clothes began with primitive religions, was mixed with various social, cultural and religious influences and finally was settled as their durable spirit, symbol and beauty.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.42
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• pp.313-342
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• 2016

This paper is an attempt to look up the life of Guanyu who was a sainted warrior of Shu Han(蜀漢) and later, was revered as God, especially focusing on the Political perspective of Chinese Dynasty. People represented Guanyu as the general during the Wei Jin Southern and Northern Dynasties(魏晉南北朝), however, throughout the Su-Dang Dynasty(隋唐), Guanyu was Honored in the Wuchengwangmiao(武成王廟) then, was promoted from Hou(侯) to Gong(公), Gong(公) to King(王) in the Song-Yuan Dynasty(宋元). In the Ming-Qing Dynasty(明 淸) when the deification of Guanyu was proceeded most positively, he became a Di(帝) over a King and was endowed with the power over the Three Worlds(三界). He had an influence on nobility as well as the people in Folkbelief over Moral Spirits, and consequently rose through the ranks to become the spiritual guardian. The rulers gave him various names(封號) celebrating the life and work of Guanyu, In fact, they showed interests in the Belief of Guanyu as they attempted to establish an ideological base for the solution of the national disaster and maintenance of feudal system which came to the fore along with the reinforcement for emperor's power.

• Journal of Agricultural Extension & Community Development
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.345-354
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• 2015

In this study, the landscape characteristics and culture of the sacred Dangsan forests at Dongnae-ri, Seonae-ri, Namnae-ri, Pyeongchon-ri and Gyochon-ri were investigated. And the potential for registration in the World Heritage List has been discussed by linking the Dangsan forests at the five sites. Dangsan forest, a traditional village forests of rural Korea is a representative cultural heritage with a history of more than several hundred years of Dangsan ritual. The Dangsan forests in the neighborhood of Naganeuoseong have retained the landscape of town fortress during Choseon Dynasty and the Dangsan ritual as a living culture. The three villages inside Naganeuoseong have kept their Upper Dang, Middle Dang and Lower Dang. There were 21 old trees in total; Zelkova serrata (2), Celtis sinensis (7), Aphananthe aspera (5) trees, Carpinus tschonoskii (2) and Ginkgo biloba (3). The three Dangsan trees and an old Aphananthe aspera, known as to be planted by the Admiral Yi Sun-sin were recognized. The two villages located outside of village fortress also have kept their Dangsan ritual. It is important whether the sites possesses authenticity in order to be listed in the World Heritage. The Dangsan forests in the neighborhood of Naganeuoseong have been verified for the authenticity, which should be focused. The places need to be clarified for their landscape features formed as a Dangsan forest, and sustainable protection and management plans are to be devised.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.119-156
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• 2018

Suk Dang Kim Sangjeong (1722-1788) was one of the Big Three Noron literati of the mid-18th century, and is an author worth taking note of in that he expressed the duty to pursue the Qin-Han gomoon-ron (古文論) more clearly and radically than anyone else. The literary debates that unfolded in the letters he exchanged with Ahn Doje (安道濟) and Sin Daejeon (申大傳) are the clues that may explain the continual development of Qin-Han gomoon-ron within Joseon. His gomoon-ron is a self-reflection of the Dang-Song gomoon-ron that continued as tradition in the Noron literati after Kim Changhyeop (金昌協), and also reflects his literary and periodical confidence. At the same time, he also makes a distinction with Qin-Han gomoon-ron set forth by the Seven Masters literature from the Ming Dynasty (前後七子) in that he takes precautions against plagiarism and emulation. It has rarely been shown that his sentences plagiarize and excessively cite the classics, or that he abstrusely elaborates sentences. He sorted through things of value worth recording and cleanly reenacted them based on the scenes and conversations, further, delivered applicable normative lessons through allegoric writing. This may be discussed as the portions that are possessed by the Qin-Han gomoon-ron that he pursued, and particularly that have the esthetic and contact point of historical prose. Kim Sangjeong's writing pursued the Qin-Han gomoon-ron of a prior era, and though distinguishable from authors of difficult writings, possesses unique characteristics that make it distinct from the Dang-Song gomoon-ron that focuses on argument. The direction of Kim Sangjeong's antiquarianism seeks after imperial loyalty, and is mutually intelligible with the artistic discourse of the Noron Cheongryu literati such as Lee Yunyeong, Kim Sangsuk, Lee Insang, and Hong Naksun who preferred archaeological finds and classical prose. While their literary tastes are a reflection of their conservative worldviews, they may also have been utilized as a foundation supporting their lives which were devoted to literature.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.52 no.6
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• pp.1-13
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• 2002

This paper investigated the costumes of young girl dancers in Yon wha dae moo(연화대무: Lotus Stage dance) which were documented on the Ak-hak-guae-bum(악학궤범: Protocol of music) and the Jin-yeon-eui-guae(진연의궤: Archives of Royal Feast). The fashion of the costumes can be changed into three phases, based mainly on the changes of Hap-rip(합립: silk hat), Dan-eui(단의: long jacket) and Sang(상: apron type skirt). In the first phase the costume consisted of Hap-rip, round neck-line Dan-eui and tiered skirt decorated with pleat and Yu-so(유소: decorated cords). In the second phase. it consisted of Hap-rip, v-shape neck-line Dan-eui and skirt without pleat. In the third phase, it consisted of Yeon-wha-gwan(연화관: Lotus shape cap), round neck-line Dan-eui of later era and skirt with pleat and Yu-so. Yon-wha-dae dance appears to be adopted from Ja-ji-mu( 자지무: chinese dance) that originated in West and Central Asia. In both dances. young girl dancers danced mainly jump and spin. The costume of round neck-line Dan-eui seems to have been affected by the fashion in Dang Dynasty when young girls loved to wear Dan-ryung(단령: male coat with round neckline). And it satisfied the need of mobility for the dance which was Performed mainly with jump.