• 한국한의학연구원논문집
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• 제9권1호
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• pp.1-33
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• 2003

From the study on Doo-Jong Kims view of history about the early Korea$(Korea\;herewith\;stands\;for\;Korea\;dynasty\;A.D.918{\sim}1392)s$ Medicine, I came to a conclusion as follows. 1. Doo-Jong Kim is stressing on the fact that Early Koreas Medicine inherited from Shilla dynasty and seemingly expressing the pride of national medical science. But actually he distorted the Koreas independent growth with flunkeyism and insisted that Koreas medicine only took over Shilla dynastys which based on Chinese Tang dynastys medical science. As a result, Koreas medicine was blurred and evaluated as nothing but Tangs medicine. But, the reasons of Doo-Jong Kims viewpoints were not based on the fact, but on his speculation. 2. About the medical system, Doo-Jong Kim viewed that Korea copied Chinese Soo & Tangs medical system, But the fact is that Korea only borrowed a part of Chinese medical systems name, for examples, Tae-I-Gam, Sang-Yak-Kook, Sang-Sik-Kook, etc., and its actual functions were different and grew in Koreas own way, As a result, the titles or roles in the system were very different from those of Chinas. Especially, Korea saw much development in Science of Acupuncture and Moxibustion that there was a specialist on Acupuncture, called I-Chim-Sa, and even had much influences on Chinese Acupuncture and Moxibustions growth, exporting Hwang-Je-Ne-Kyong to Chinese Song dynasty. 3. About the education system of medicine, Doo-Jong Kim viewed that Koreas medicine was only a copy of Shilla dynastys which was based on Chinese Tang dynastys, taking the medical examination curriculum as an example. The fact is that Tangs medical curriculum was three, Bon-Cho, Kab-Ul, Maek-Kyong, Shilla had seven, Bon-Cho-Kyong, Kab-Ul-Kyong, So-Moon-Kyong, Chim-Kyong, Maek-Kyong, Myong-Dang-Kyong, Nan-Kyong, and Korea had ten, So-Moon-Kyong, Kab-Ul-Kyong, Bon-Cho-Kyong, Myong-Dang-Kyong, Maek-Kyong, Dae-Kyong-Chim-Kyong, Nan-Kyong, Ku-Kyong, Ryu-Yon-Ja-Bang, So-Kyong-Chang-Jeo-Ron. Simply considering this, it is so clear that Koreas medical curriculum was much more upgraded one than that of China. 4. About the examination system for civil service, Doo-Jong Kim expressed that Shilla dynasty did not have such system, and only expounded knowledge of Shilla medicine, In case of China, Tang danasty Hyang-Kong was only a qualification test for civil service, which the result was completely dependent on applicants social status, Song danasty examination system was composed of three steps of Hyang-Si, Sung-Si, Jeon-Si (See Note1), but it stuck to formality by having Jeon-Si of anti-fraudulence use. On the other hand, examination system for civil service in Korea dynasty started in 958 by an advice of Ssang-Ki, Chin-Si in 977 and K대-Ja-Si (See Note 1), a kind of Hyang-Si, in 1024., Three steps of examination system made employment for civil service strictly fair, Moreover, it was possible for offsprings of concubine to be an applicant. These easily explain that the examination system of Korea dynasty was more upgraded one than that of China, Tang ＆ Song dynasty. Hyang-Si : Exam in local area Sung-Si : Exam in province for those who passed Hyang-Si Jeon-Si : Exam held with Koea Kings supervision for those who passed Hyang-Si Keo-Ja-Si : Selective exam in local area like Hyang-Si. From the reasons above, it is clear that Doo-Jong Kim was much biased by flunkeyism through Japanese colonialisam and expressed his view on Korea Medical History based on such theory of heteronomy and stasis. Moreover, without rigid historical evidence on records, he distored the fact by translating incorrectly on his purpose. Therefore, Doo-Jong Kims Korean Medical History must be reevaluated through rigid historical research and his mistranslation should be corrected.

• 한국철학논집
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• 제28호
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• pp.297-329
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• 2010

이 논문은 박세당(朴世堂)의 『신주도덕경(新註道德經)』과 하야시라잔(林羅山)의 『노자초해(老子抄解)』 비교 연구를 위한 기본 자료를 정리한 정리형 논문이다. 필자는 '박세당의 『신주도덕경』과 하야시라잔의 『노자초해(老子抄解)』비교 연구'에서 주목했던 점은 첫 번째, "박세당과 하야시라잔 둘 모두 당면한 시대의 사상적 도그마를 극복하려고 했다는 점"이며, 두 번째, "박세당과 하야시라잔이 지향한 공통적 사유, 곧 '기성의 질서를 넘어서'라는 사상적 도전 과정에 그들의 『노자』 주석이 그 역할의 일부를 수행하고 있다"라는 것이다. 하야시라잔의 『노자』 해석은 임희일의 『노자권재구의』로부터 많은 영향을 받고 있으며, 노장 이해도 임희일의 연장선에 있었던 것으로 보인다. 하야시라잔은 『노자』에 대한 유가적 해석을 견지하고 있는 반면, 『장자』에 대해서는 유가적으로 해석하려는 어떠한 시도도 하지 않았다. 결국 하야시라잔에게 있어서 '임희일의 노장 이해에 대한 반전'은 일어나지 않았던 것이다. 하야시라잔의 도가 사상 수용은 일차적으로는 '『노자』 수용'을 의미하며 좀 더 세밀하게 지적한다면 '도가 일반'이나 '『노자』 일반'이 아닌 특정한 하나의 관점 곧 '임희일의 『노자권재구의』'를 수용했던 것이라고 이해할 수 있다. 반면 박세당의 『신주도덕경』은 임희일 주석에 대한 의존도가 높지 않다. 그는 『노자』와 『장자』에 대한 유가적 해석을 진행하면서 유가 경전이나 임희일의 주석을 답습하는 간접적 해석 방식을 지양하고 유가와 도가의 사상적 공유지점을 '수신치인(修身治人)'으로 지목하고, 이어서 『장자』「제물론」 성심(成心)의 개념적 내포를 성선론적 성(性)의 개념적 내포와 동치시키는 보다 직접적 방식을 통해서 도가 경전에 대한 유가적 해석을 진행하고 있다'라고 정리할 수 있을 것이다. 그리고 임희일이나 하야시라잔이 '유가적 입장에서 『노자』를 수용했던 것과 달리 박세당은 유가적 입장에서 『노자』와 『장자』를 수용했다고 비교 정리할 수 있을 것이다.

• 복식
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• 제22권
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• pp.205-224
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• 1994

It was aimed to study the costume of Koryo dynasty based upon the thirty pictures of Bud-dha to hang on the wall among the existing Buddist paintings. The costume to study were made about 64 years during the King Chung-yol(1286) to the King Chung-jong(1350) which style was mostly related in Won Dynasty. 가) Men's wear ; 1. Hair style and hair dress ; Man tied up a top knot and they put on the hat such as a Kuan Kun and Mo. The young boys binds his hair up one, two, and three knot-s, and tied up with a hair ribbon, A kinds of Kuan-mo were Mine-lu-kuan Yuan-yu-kuan, Nong-kuan, Hae-chi-kuan Pok-du Yun-wha-kuan Yip-mo- and Tu-ku(Helmeto) 2. clothes ; 1) Colour of Koryo King's Mien-ku Kuan costume was not agree with blue and reddish black colour which was used in Yo, Song, Kum and Won Dynasty, however black and greenhish blue colour was agreed with. 2) The king wore T'ung-t'ien-kuan(Yuan-yu-kuan) and the government officials wore Chin-hien-kuan Hae-chi-kuan and Nong-kuan as a court dress. In general the king and the Crown Prince wore a hats which was used in T'ung-t'ien system however sometimes they wore small hats which was cited in literature. 3) Gate guard and upper garment wore colourful costume figured gold colour pattern which was distin-gtive costume system of Koryo. 4) A monk wore big sleeve long skirt big sleeve long jacket long skirt and shoulder scar-f full shoulder scarf or right hand shoulder opened scarf. 5) The Soldiers wore helmet shoulder or scarf pee-back hung-kap, pok-kap, yang-dan-g-kap we-yu-kap kun-kap, and boots and they carried arms. 6) The young boys wore scarf, loin cloth, long skirt, belt neckless, wan-silk, boots and foots wear and wristless. 나) Women's wear ; 1. Hair style and hairs and tied up with a hair ribbon and wore precious ston decorated hair dress wheel shape hair dress pan shaped head dress handkerchif covered hair dress decorated precious stone hair pin silk chippon made of head dress muf-fler shaped hairdress. Boots mocasin hae lee, suk and sandle wored as a shoes depends on the classes. They wore neckless, earing wres-tless and wan-pu-sik. 2. Closthe 1) High rank lade's wore un-kyun attached jacket and jacket sleeves decorated pleats and pleats decorated long skirt apron back apron knot belt, scarf this type is the same with Dang Dynasty five dynasty of china Song, Kum Won, Myung Dynasty and our cos-tume of Poe-hae, and Shilla Dynasty.

• 복식
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• 제6권
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• pp.105-119
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• 1982

This thesis is mainly about the changes of Garment's collar(옷깃) and outer collar (옷섶) which indicate the identification of dress history. Through the observations of some reports about important folk materials and genuine objects, the author has investigated and rearranged them focusing on Yi-Dynasty. (1400-1900) For the shape of the outer lapels(겉깃) of Korean Jacket(저고리) were used together Squar-Tray-Collar(목판깃), Sharped-Collar(칼깃), and Dang ko-Collar(당코깃) and coming to the end of inner lapels(안깃) formed squar-tray-collar. Squar-tray-collar and sharped-collar were mainly used together for the shape of the outer lapels of Korean overcoat(포). Dang ko-collar was seen only in two overcoat. Coming to the 18th centry, the outer lapels became round-edged like those of jackets, while the inner lapels formed squar-tray-collar. In the process of positional changes of the collar and outer collar of Korean jacket and overcoat, the outer lapels positioned outside the outer collar, or a part of width of collar's positioned upon the outer collar, or the whole outer lapels positioned inside the outer collar. And through these changes the current position of the outer lapels became settled in the end of the 19th centry. But the inner lapels did not undergo many changes compared with the outer ones, and their position was mainly outside the outer collar like those of current lapels. And the garment's collar and outer collar of jacket and overcoat became small while the width and length of breast-tie(고름) became large.

• 한국의류학회지
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• 제33권9호
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• pp.1386-1397
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• 2009

This study investigates costumes for ball jointed dolls under the theme of Bok-yo(服妖): The Lady in Early-middle Joseon with relic costumes as a reference. The Bok-yo style was spread universally for Joseon women in the $15^{th}-16^{th}$ centuries, but it is an uncommon theme in the area of media and traditional costume for dolls. Bok-yo (curious outfit), consisted of a Dang-jeogori with a golden brocade in the front bottom, manlike Jang-ot, wide Chima, and Jang-ot was dressed between Chima and the Dang-jeogori. To make correct patterns and approvals for idle bodies of female ball-jointed dolls, darts are added in the front vertical line and center back of the golden brocade Dan-jeogori for Joseon ladies. The pattern of the golden brocade Chima is made as a trapezoid shape for the thin waist of a doll, and the length of a deep-greened silk gauze The Jang-ot increased because of the length of the doll's legs. In addition, the kinds of investigated accessories, hair, traditional underwear for dolls are limited. Suggested is a closer cooperation between the investigated costume designers, doll companies, and accessory makers for the future market of ball jointed dolls.

• 복식
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• 제56권7호
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• pp.1-17
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• 2006

This study purposed to examine Korean people's white clothes custom historically and to explain the aesthetic consciousness latent in the custom. Korean people preferred white clothes, even up to foreigners called them White-clad folk. Not only as in old historical literatures, but also in Soo-suh, Shin-Dang-suh including Sam-Kuk-Ji in China, white clothes were a real symbol to Korean people, ranging chronically far back to the age of ancient tribal countries, Sam-Kuk Period through Koryo Dynasty and even to modern age near the end of Chosun Dynasty, wearing with pleasure regardless of age, sex or social position. Even King himself in Koryo Dynasty is said to have worn white clothes when he was out of official hours. During the Koryo and Chosun Dynasty, white clothes were sometimes prohibited for various reasons including conflicts with the theories of yin-yang and the five elements but such regulations were not effective. To Korean people, white clothes were ordinary people's everyday dress as well as noble people's plain suits, saints' uniforms with religious meanings, ceremonial costumes, funeral garments, etc. The various uses show that white clothes have been worn by many people. The unique custom that a People have worn white clothes consistently for such a long time may contain very deep symbolic meanings representing the people's sentiments and spirits. The present study understood that the meanings come from religious sacredness, magical wish for brightness, the pursuit of purity originating from the people's national traits, assimilation with nature and the will to attain whole ascetic personality. Aesthetic attitudes based on aesthetic values summed up as sacredness, brightness, purity, assimilation with nature, asceticism, etc. are the aesthetic consciousness pursued by Koreans through their white clothes. For Koreans, white color is the origin of their color sense coming from primitive religions such as worshipping the sun and the heaven. In this way, Korean people's preference for white clothes began with primitive religions, was mixed with various social, cultural and religious influences and finally was settled as their durable spirit, symbol and beauty.

• 비교문화연구
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• 제42권
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• pp.313-342
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• 2016

본고는 촉한(蜀漢)의 무장(武將)에서 출발하여 신(神)으로 추앙받고 있는 관우의 생명력을 역대 왕조의 정치적 측면에서 찾았다. 관우는 위진남북조(魏晉南北朝) 시대에는 일개 장군으로 묘사되었지만, 수당(隋唐) 시대를 거치며 무성왕묘(武成王廟) 종사(從祀)를 통해 국가 사전(祀典)에 편입되었고, 다시 송원(宋元)시대에는 '후(侯)'에서 '공(公)'으로, 다시 '공(公)'에서 '왕(王)'으로 신분의 급상승을 이루었다. 관우 신격화가 절정에 이른 명청(明淸) 시대에 이르면, '왕(王)'을 넘어 '제(帝)'로 등극하면서 삼계(三界)를 통섭하는 최고의 권능을 부여받게 된다. 그는 백성에서부터 사대부에 이르기까지 생활신앙과 도덕 정신에 영향을 미쳤고, 결국은 정신적 수호신(守護神)으로 존재할 수 있었다. 역사상 통치자가 관우(關羽)에게 내린 봉호(封號)는 다양했지만, 그 속에는 국가의 재난 해소와 봉건통치의 유지와 보호라는 정치적 필요성이 깔려 있었다.

• 농촌지도와개발
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• 제22권3호
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• pp.345-354
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• 2015

In this study, the landscape characteristics and culture of the sacred Dangsan forests at Dongnae-ri, Seonae-ri, Namnae-ri, Pyeongchon-ri and Gyochon-ri were investigated. And the potential for registration in the World Heritage List has been discussed by linking the Dangsan forests at the five sites. Dangsan forest, a traditional village forests of rural Korea is a representative cultural heritage with a history of more than several hundred years of Dangsan ritual. The Dangsan forests in the neighborhood of Naganeuoseong have retained the landscape of town fortress during Choseon Dynasty and the Dangsan ritual as a living culture. The three villages inside Naganeuoseong have kept their Upper Dang, Middle Dang and Lower Dang. There were 21 old trees in total; Zelkova serrata (2), Celtis sinensis (7), Aphananthe aspera (5) trees, Carpinus tschonoskii (2) and Ginkgo biloba (3). The three Dangsan trees and an old Aphananthe aspera, known as to be planted by the Admiral Yi Sun-sin were recognized. The two villages located outside of village fortress also have kept their Dangsan ritual. It is important whether the sites possesses authenticity in order to be listed in the World Heritage. The Dangsan forests in the neighborhood of Naganeuoseong have been verified for the authenticity, which should be focused. The places need to be clarified for their landscape features formed as a Dangsan forest, and sustainable protection and management plans are to be devised.

• 동양고전연구
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• 제70호
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• pp.119-156
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• 2018

석당 김상정(1722~1788)은 18세기 중반 노론계 3대 문장가로 꼽혔으며 "고문론(古文論)"을 추구해야 하는 당위를 어느 누구보다 뚜렷하고도 과격하게 피력하고 있다는 점에서 주목할 만한 작가이다. 그가 안도제(安道濟), 신대전(申大傳) 등과 주고받은 서신에서 펼친 고문(古文)-금문(今文) 문학논쟁은 조선 내에서 진한 고문론의 지속적인 전개를 설명할 수 있는 하나의 단서가 된다. 그의 고문론(古文論)은 김창협(金昌協) 이후로 노론계 문단에서 정통으로 계승되어왔던 당송고문론에 대한 자체적 반성과 함께 문학적, 시대적 자신감을 반영하고 있다. 그러면서도 표절과 모방을 경계한다는 점에서 명대 전후칠자(前後七子)가 피력한 진한고문론과도 변별점을 두고 있다. 실제로 그의 문장에서는 전범을 표절하고 과도하게 인용하거나, 난해하게 문장을 조탁하는 등의 방식은 잘 확인되지 않는다. 그는 기록할 만한 가치가 있는 것을 선별하고 장면과 대화 중심으로 담백하게 재현해 나가며, 우언적 글쓰기를 통해 당위적 교훈을 전달하였다. 이는 그가 추구하였던 진한고문, 특히 사체 산문의 미감과 접점을 가진 부분으로 논할 수 있다. 김상정의 글쓰기는 이전 시대 진한고문을 추구하며 난삽한 글쓰기를 하였던 작가들과도 구분되면서도, 의론을 중시하는 당송고문과도 변별되는 독특한 특징을 지닌다. 김상정의 상고적 문예 지향은 대명의리를 추구하고 고동(古董)과 고문(古文)을 선호했던 이윤영(李胤永), 김상숙(金相肅), 이인상(李麟祥), 홍악순(洪樂純) 등 노론 청류(淸流)계 문단의 예술 담론과도 상통한다. 이들의 문예 취향은 자신들의 보수적 세계관을 반영하는 것이면서도 문예에 전념하는 자신들의 삶을 옹호하는 근거로 활용되었으리라 생각한다.

• 복식
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• 제52권6호
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• pp.1-13
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• 2002

This paper investigated the costumes of young girl dancers in Yon wha dae moo(연화대무: Lotus Stage dance) which were documented on the Ak-hak-guae-bum(악학궤범: Protocol of music) and the Jin-yeon-eui-guae(진연의궤: Archives of Royal Feast). The fashion of the costumes can be changed into three phases, based mainly on the changes of Hap-rip(합립: silk hat), Dan-eui(단의: long jacket) and Sang(상: apron type skirt). In the first phase the costume consisted of Hap-rip, round neck-line Dan-eui and tiered skirt decorated with pleat and Yu-so(유소: decorated cords). In the second phase. it consisted of Hap-rip, v-shape neck-line Dan-eui and skirt without pleat. In the third phase, it consisted of Yeon-wha-gwan(연화관: Lotus shape cap), round neck-line Dan-eui of later era and skirt with pleat and Yu-so. Yon-wha-dae dance appears to be adopted from Ja-ji-mu( 자지무: chinese dance) that originated in West and Central Asia. In both dances. young girl dancers danced mainly jump and spin. The costume of round neck-line Dan-eui seems to have been affected by the fashion in Dang Dynasty when young girls loved to wear Dan-ryung(단령: male coat with round neckline). And it satisfied the need of mobility for the dance which was Performed mainly with jump.