• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.35
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• pp.471-508
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• 2017

The basic intent of this thesis lies in proposing a meaningful direction of developing cultural content by combining Asian traditional dance forms which hold cultural closeness in common historically. For this study, this paper selected Oyangseon(五羊仙; 'Five Taoist Hermits on Five Sheep'), a Korean court dance of Chinese origin as an example as the Oyangseon story is commonly found in ancient Vietnam and China as well as Korea. Its original narrative is a mythic story that five hermits had come down to ancient Vietnam region riding on five sheep of five colors to bestow 6 ears of milets to people. Later, the story was spread to other regions to be reformed into Woljeongjeon(越井傳; Vietnam), Choi Wee(崔?; China) and Oyangseon(Korea) that have different plot and background. While Woljeongjeon and Choi Wee were adapted into novels that describe the hero Choi Wee's mysterious adventure to be repaid his father's previous devotion to ancient King's shrine. Meanwhile, the epic narrative of Korean Oyangseon proves the modification of the original myth by adding a Seowangmo(西王母; a Chinese mythic heavenly queen) motif while it was enacted as a court dance to praise king's long life and pray country's prosperity following Confucian concept. Based on this historical lineage of Oyangseon story, I searched for the possiblity of constructing a cultural content program by combining the Oyangseon dance of three countries. While there was Oyangseonmu(五羊仙舞) in China which was recently composed by referring to Korean Oyangseon, any traditional dance item based on Oyangseon story was not available in Vietnam. Thus, I tried to propose the Vietnam Dance College to choreograph a new dance item with Woljeongjeon story while using the traditional dance technique, music, costume, etc. of Vietnam as most as possible. As a result, I could display a direction of developing a cultural content by staging three countries' dance items based on Oyangseon story at Korean National Haneul Theater in Oct 2016.

• Korean Journal of Health Education and Promotion
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• v.27 no.5
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• pp.79-89
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• 2010

Objectives: This study aims to identify health status and health risks among female marriage immigrants to Korea and to provide a basis for public health strategies to address their health issues. Methods: The participants of the study were 3,069 immigrant wives. The health examination was conducted by the Korea Association of Health Promotion (KAHP) in 2008. The participants also completed self-administered questionnaires on demographic characteristics, health-related behaviors and mental health. Results: Patterns of immigrant women's health problems differed by age and country of origin. Behavior patterns also differed by their heritage, age, and years of residence in Korea. Generally Vietnamese women fell in lower ranges of disease prevalence and health risk factors in the participant group and Japanese women presented most healthy eating habits. Filipina women showed relatively high disease prevalence than any other group. Conclusion: Immigration to Korea by marriage is relatively a new phenomenon, thus continuing surveillance and research are needed to identify health risks, behavior patterns, and their relationships. Interventions and policies for the health of migrant wives, their children and families are required.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.41 no.6
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• pp.816-822
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• 2012

Volatile components of acorn crude starches and gel powder created from them were analyzed by Gas Chromatograph-Ion Mobility Mass Spectrometry (GC-IMS). Crude starches were obtained from acorns harvested in South Korea (KAS), China (CAS), and North Korea (NAS). The principal component analysis (PCA) of each volatile component exhibited a significant contribution of PC 1 showing up to 60.5%. The acorn crude starch from KAS could be distinguished from crude starch from China by PC 1 (p<0.05). However, NAS and CAS could not be segregated statistically by the PC 1 component. PC 2, which exhibited 22.8% contribution, of KAS, also showed a meaningful difference (p<0.05) from those of CAS and NAS, making it possible to distinguish domestic acorn starch from imports.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.31 no.6 s.165
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• pp.974-984
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• 2007

The purpose of this study was to find differences in evaluation criteria and to find differences in preferred images based on benefits segmented groups of jeans products consumers. Male and female Korean university students participated in the study. Quota sampling method was used to collect the data based on gender and a residential area of the respondents. Data from 492 questionnaires were used in the analysis. Factor analysis, Cronbach's alpha coefficient, cluster analysis, one-way ANOVA, and post-hoc test were conducted. As a result, respondents who seek multi-benefits considered aesthetic criteria(e.g., color, style, design, fit) and quality performance criteria(e.g., durability, ease of care, contractibility, flexibility) more importantly when evaluating and purchasing jeans products. Respondents who seek brand name considered extrinsic criteria(e.g., brand reputation, status symbol, country of origin, fashionability) more importantly than respondents who seek economic efciency. Respondents who seek multi-benefits such as attractiveness, fashion, individuality, and utility tend to prefer all the images: individual image, active image, sexual image, sophisticated image, and simple image when wearing jeans products. Respondents who seek fashion are likely to prefer individual image, and respondents who seek brand name more prefer both individual image and polished image. Mean while, respondents who seek economical efficiency less prefer sexual image and polished image.

• Economic and Environmental Geology
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• v.40 no.5
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• pp.517-535
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• 2007

Two distinctive Mesozoic hydrothermal systems occurred in South Korea: the Jurassic/Early Cretaceous(ca. $200{\sim}130$ Ma) deep-level ones during the Daebo orogeny and the Late Cretaceous/Tertiary(ca. $110{\sim}45$ Ma) shallow hydrothermal ones during the Bulgugsa event. The Mesozoic hydrothermal system and the metallic mineralization in the Korean Peninsula document a close spatial and temporal relationship with syn- to post-tectonic magmatism. The calculated ${\delta}^{18}O_{H2O}$ values of the ore-forming fluids from the Mesozoic metallic mineral deposits show limited range for the Jurassic ones but variable range for the Late Cretaceous ones. The orogenic mineral deposits were formed at relatively high temperatures and deep-crustal levels. The mineralizing fluids that were responsible for the formation of theses deposits are characterized by the reasonably homogeneous and similar ranges of ${\delta}^{18}O_{H2O}$ values. This implies that the ore-forming fluids were principally derived from spatially associated Jurassic granitoids and related pegmatite. On the contrary, the Late Cretaceous ferroalloy, base-metal and precious-metal deposits in the Taebaeksan, Okcheon and Gyeongsang basins occurred as vein, replacement, breccia-pipe, porphyry-style and skarn deposits. Diverse mineralization styles represent a spatial and temporal distinction between the proximal environment of subvolcanic activity and the distal to transitional condition derived from volcanic environments. The Cu(-Au) or Fe-Mo-W deposits are proximal to a magmatic source, whereas the polymetallic or the precious-metal deposits are more distal to transitional. On the basis of the overall ${\delta}^{18}O_{H2O}$ values of various ore deposits in these areas, it can be briefed that the ore fluids show very extensive oxygen isotope exchange with country rocks, though the ${\delta}D_{H2O}$ values are relatively homogeneous and similarly restricted.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.3
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• pp.218-247
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• 1989

As mentioned above, I got the next conclusion since I had considered the medical contents of the ancient period(上古時代) and the era of the old-Korea(古朝鮮時代) through several bibliographic records. 1. There were Pung-baeg(風伯), Uh-sa(雨師), Un-sa(雲師) that were the names of the governmental officials during the ancient period of Whan-ung(桓雄). Among them, Uh-sa specially managed the treatment for diseases. When we think of the significance of Pung(風)-which means the winds, Uh(雨)-which means the rain, Un(雲)-which means of clouds, we will find out that the human life will be affected by all kinds of phenomena of the nature. So I can infer that ancestries could prevent and treat diseases with adjusting them tn the changes in the weather. 2. There were five government officials(五事) in the ancient period of Whan-ung(桓雄上古時代). They are Uh-ga(牛加), Ma-ga(馬加), Ku-ga(狗加), Cheo-ga(猪加) and Yang-ga(羊加), and had charges of five important duties. Among them, Cheo-ga was set to a charge of treatment for diseases. So we can notice that there existed people who treated for diseases professionally. When we think of the meanings of Uh(牛)-which intends cows or bulls. Ma(馬)-which intends horses, Ku(狗)-which intends dogs, Cheo(猪)-which intends wild boars and Yang(羊)-which intends sheep, we can see that livestocks would be raised at that time, and they came to have more chances to digest meat. Since the digestion of meat became to be a burden on the stomach and the intestines, it might cause a lot of indigestive troubles. 3. When I compared Tan-gun Pal-ga(檀君八加) with the Oh-ga(五加) in the ancient period of Whan-ung(桓雄上古時代), I could tell that the community of Tan-gun's period is more advanced and specialized than one of Whan-ung's. When I think of the next sentence ; "The Prince Imperial, Bu-u(夫虞) become to be a Ro-ga(鷺加), who treat for diseases professionally.", I am sure that the treatment for diseases was more importment than any other things, because he was the third son of Tan-gun(檀君). 4. According to Tan-gun(檀君) mythology, Whan-ung(桓雄) came down from the heaven of the pure Yang(純陽) to the earth and then changed into a man who had had more Yang(陽) than Yin(陰). And a bear came up from the underground(or the cave) to the ground and then changed into a women who had had more Yin(陰) than Yang(陽). So both of them became to hold together. This story implicated that ancestors had taken a serious view of each of them, namely the ancestors didn't give the ascendance to the one side of them, and made much account of the mutual harmony. So I am sure that this fact coincided with the basic theories of oriental medical science. To refer to two proverbs of Tan-gun mythology that are "Ki-Sam-Chil-Il(忌三七日)" which means caring for twenty one days, and "Pul-Gyon-Il-Gwang-Baeg-Il(不見日光百日)" which means keeping indoors for one hundred days, I can tell you that "twenty-one-day" involves the principle of the birth of life, and "one-hundred-day" contains a preparatory period or the period of death to bear another life. 5. From the medical stuff, such as wormwood(艾), garlic(蒜), or wonder-working herbage(靈草), that had been written at the bibliographic papers of the ancient period(上古時代) and the era of the old-Korea(古朝鮮時代), I consider that many people might get a lot of women's diseases, indigestive troubles, and other diseases that were caused by the weakness, but with using various spices, such as the leaves of water pepper(蔘), they could prevent the occurrance of all kinds of diseases previously. So I regard this treatment as the medicine from food. 6. One of the sayings at Nae-gyong(內經) is that "The stone accupuncture(砭石) came from the orient." We can see both "wonder-wor-king wormwood(靈草)" and "dried wormwood(乾艾)" in the several bibliographic papers of the ancient history of the old-Korea(朝鮮上古史). From these records, I can be convinced that ancestors would utilize the acupuncture(針) and the moxa cautery(灸) to cure a patient of a disease. 7. Even though someone claimed that the book, "medical science and chemistry(醫學化學)" and "medical treatment(醫學大方)" had had been written during the ancient period of the old-Korea(上古朝鮮時代), such a fact can't have been ascertained historical evidence. But it has been handed down that there existed the original phonetic alphabet, such as the "Ka-Im-To alphabet(加臨土文字)" at that time. The terms about the diseases, which had been occurred at the community of the old-Korea(古朝鮮地域), were recorded fragmentarily at other records after that time. The origin of confucianism came from the race of the eastern barbarians, and Tae-Ho-Pok-Hi(太嗅伏義) and the king. Sun(舜) came from the eastern barbarians, too. The divination of tortoise shells at the country of Un(殷) is another from which was developed at the eastern barbarians' fortune-telling of animal bones. From these facts, I can infer that, by all means, they might record the medical knowledge which had been stored for thousands of years while contacting with china directly.

• The Korean Journal of Pesticide Science
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• v.15 no.4
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• pp.545-572
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• 2011

The genetic diagnosis methods by RT-PCR and Virion capture (VC)/RT-PCR against Rice stripe virus (RSV) were developed. Three diagnosis methods of seedling test, ELISA and RT-PCR were compared in virus detection sensitivity (VDS) for RSV. The VDS of ELISA for RSV viruliferous small brown plant hopper (SBPH) was higher with 40.5% than that of seedling test. The VDS of RT-PCR was higher with 21% than that of ELISA. The VDS of ELISA and VC/RT-PCR was same with 9.2% in average on the SBPH collected from fields at the areas of Gimpo, Pyungtaeg and Sihueng, Gyeonggi province in 2009. The specific primers of RSV for SBPH and rice plant were developed for the diagnosis by Real time PCR. The RQ value of Real time PCR for the viruliferous and non viruliferous SBPH was 1 for 50 heads of non viruliferous SBPH, 96.5 for 50 heads of viruliferous SBPH, 23.1 for 10 heads of viruliferous SBPH + 40 heads of non viruliferous SBPH, and 75.6 for 30 heads of viruliferous SBPH + 20 heads of non viruliferous SBPH. The RQ value was increased positively by the ratio of viruliferous SBPH. Full sequences of 4 genomes of RSV RNA1, RNA2, RNA3 and RNA4 were analysed for the 13 RSV isolates from rice plants collected from different areas. Genetic relationships among the RSV isolates of Korea, Japan and China were classified as China + Korea, and China + Korea + Japan by phylogenetic analysis for RSV RNA1 and RNA2. In case of RNA3 involved in pathogenicity, genetic relationship of RSV among the three countries was grouped into 3 as China, China + Korea, and Korea + Japan. According to the genetic relationships in RSV RNA4, RSV isolates were grouped into 4 as China, Korea, China + Korea + Japan, and Korea + Japan. Viruliferous insect rate (VIR) of RSV in average increased in each year from 2008 to 2010, and the rates were 4.3%, 6.1%, and 7.2%, respectively, at the 28 major rice production areas in 7 provinces including Gyeonggido. The highest VIR in each year was 11.3% of Gyeonggido in 2008, 20.1% of Jellanamdo in 2009 and 14.2% of Chungcheongbukdo in 2010. The highest VIR depending upon the investigated areas was 22.1% at Buan of Jellabukdo in 2008, 36% at Wando and Jindo of Jellanamdo in 2009, and 30.0% at Boeun of Chungcheongbukdo in 2010. Average population density (APD) of overwintered SBPH was 13.1 heads in 2008, 13.9 heads in 2009 and 5.6 heads in 2010. The highest APD was 39.1 and 60.4 heads at Buan of Jellabukdo in 2008 and 2009, respectively, and 14.0 heads at Pyungtaeg of Gyeonggido. The acreage of RSV occurred fields was 869 ha in the western and southern parts, mainly at Jindo and Wando areas, of Jellanamdo in 2008. In 2009, RSV occurred in the acreage of 21,541 ha covered whole country, especially, partial and whole plant death were occurred with infection rate of 55.2% at 3,025 plots in 53 Li, 39 Eup/Myun, 19 Si/Gun of Gyeonggido, Incheonsi, Chungcheongnamdo, Jeollabukdo and Jeollanamdo. Seasonal development of overwintered SBPH was investigated at Buan, Jeollabukdo, and Jindo, Jeollanamdo for 3 years from 2008. Most SBPH developed to the 3rd and 4th instar on the periods of May 20 to June 10, and they developed to the adult stage for the 1st generation on Mid and Late June. In 2009, all SBPH trapped by sky net trap were adult on May 31 to June 1 at Mid-western aeas of Taean, Seosan and Buan, and South-western areas of Sinan and Jindo. The population density of adult SBPH was 963 heads at Taean, 919 at Seocheon and 819 at Sinan area. The origin of these higher population of adult SBPH were verified from the population of non-overwintered SBPH but immigrant SBPH. From Mid May to Mid June in 2010, adult SBPH could not be counted as immigrant insects by sky net trap. The variation of RSV VIR was high with 2.1% to 9.5% for immigrant adult SBPH trapped by sky net trap at Hongsung of Chungcheongbukdo, Buan of Jeollabukdo and so forth in 2009. The highest VIR for the immigrant adult SBPH was 9.5% at Boryung of Chungcheongnamdo, followed by 7.9% at Hongsung of Chungcheongnamdo, 6.5% at Younggwang of Jeollanamdo, and 6.4% at Taean of Cheongcheongnamdo. The infection rate of RSV on rice plants induced by the immigrant adult SBPH cultivated near sky net trap after about 10 days from immigration on June 12 in 2009 was 84.6% at Taean, 65.4% at Buan and 92.9% at Jindo, and 81% in average through genetic diagnosis of RT-PCR. Barley known as a overwintering host plant of RSV had very low infection rate of 0.2% from 530 specimens collected at 10 areas covering whole country including Pyungtaeg of Gyeonggido. Twenty nine plant species were newly recorded as natural hosts of RSV. In winter annual plant species, 11 plants including Vulpia myuros showed RSV infection rate of 24.9%. The plant species in summer annual ecotype were 13 including Digitaria ciliaris with 44.9%, Echinochloa crusgalli var. echinata with 95.2% and Setaria faberi with 65.5% in infection rate of RSV. Five perennial plants including Miscanths sacchariflorus with infection rate of 33.3% were recorded as hosts of RSV. Rice cultivars, 8 susceptible cultivars including Donggin1 and 17 resistant ones including Samgwang, were screened in field conditions at 3 different areas of Buan, Iksan and Ginje in 2009. All the susceptible cultivars were showed typical symptom of mosaic and wilt. In 17 genetic resistant cultivar, 12 cultivars were susceptible, however, 5 cultivars were field-resistant plus genetic resistant to RSV as non symptom expression. When RSV was artificially inoculated at seedling stage to 4 cultivars known as genetic resistant and 3 cultivars known as genetic susceptible, the symptom expression in resistant cultivars was lower as 19.3% in average than that of 53.3% in susceptible ones. In comparison of symptom expression rate and viral infection rate using resistant Nampyung and susceptible Heugnam cultivars by artificial inoculation of RSV at seedling stage, the symptom expression of Heugnam was higher as 28% than 12% of Nampyung. However, virion infection of resistant Nampyung cultivar was higher as 12% reversely than 85% of susceptible Heugnam. Yield loss of rice was investigated by the artificial inoculation of RSV at the seedling stage of resistant cultivars of Nampyung and Onnuri, and susceptible cultivars of Donggin1 and Ungwang for 3 years from 2008. The average yield per plant was 7.8 g, 8.5 g and 13.8 g on rice plants inoculated at seedling stage, tillering stage and maximum tillering stage, respectively. The yield loss rate was increased by earlier infection of RSV with 51% at seedling stage, 46% at tillering stage and 13% at maximum tillering stage. In resistant rice cultivars, there was no statistically significant relation between infection time and yield loss. In natural fields on susceptible rice cultivar of Ungwang at Taean and Jindo areas in 2009, the yield loss rate was increased with same tendency to the infection hill rate having the corelation coefficient of 0.94 when the viral infection was over 23.4%.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
• /
• v.10
• /
• pp.1-40
• /
• 2008

1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.