• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.35
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• pp.9-59
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• 2017

This article describes the entertainment business system from 1907 to the first half of the 1920's. The entertainment business began at the time of Empire of Korea with the Imperial Theater called Hyeomnyulsa, which was supported by the emperor's authority and national system and run by the imperial court, especially Gungnaebu. However, after closing the imperial theater, many commercial theaters have been born since 1907, the role of the subject who dominate the entertainment business has been subdivided into financialist and agent. The financialist was replaced by civilians and the capacity of the agent has been strengthened after the introduction of Yeongeukgaeryanglon. In this condition the entertainment business had to be rationalized. In addition, before and after 1912, as the businessmen took part in the entertainment business instead of the government officials and social leaders, the role of entertainment business developed and became equipped with a modern system. Financialist who utilized economic capital was subdivided into the proprietor of a theater, investors, and bosses in the process of mobilizing the necessary funds for the construction, renovation, and repair of the theater, and agents who used cultural capital to practice and maintain performances, on the other hand played a role in expanding the diversity of the show in and outside the theater. In the theatre there was Chongmoo, Johapjang, Chwiche, and Jwadang of Gisaengjohaps, Sinpageukdans, Gyeongseonggupabaeujohap and various XXX Ilhaeng were outside the theater. They participated in the their own way. The financialist and agent used to set up cooperative relations and conflicts. The entertainment business was deepened and developed in the process of resolving the conflicts. However, Performance market could not grow as well as the possibility of a system equipped after 1915. This is because the Japanese imperialists limited the growth of the economic capital and cultural capital of the Koreans and even the composition of social capital. For this reason, Chosun's entertainment business system has grown in proportion to the absolute growth of the box office industry, but it has not developed as much as its potential capacity.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.42
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• pp.257-290
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• 2021

The Wonju Nongyo (agricultural work song) is geographically classified as eastern minyo (folk song) which has many distinctive, regional features such as tunes, forms and the use of a melodic line. There has been growing attention to the transmission value of the nongyo including the Wonju Eorirang of the Wonju Origol Nongyo and its region of origin. The Wonju Nongyo is of great value and worthy of preservation in the western part of Gangwon Province. For this reason, it seems fairer to say that a focus should be directed towards establishing the identity of the song and increasing the contextualisation of transmission. At the same time, the preservation association's efforts in passing the traditional song down and education activities fairly deserve equal attention. In addition to the way the folk songs are handed down, a discussion on the facilitation of their use will be required. An in-depth discussion about the restoration and use of the song will be encouraged in a multifaceted manner. Unfortunately, few of the previous literatures on nongyo has gone so far as to investigate Arirang as a separate research topic. In fact, the Wonju Origol Nongyo should be viewed as an intangible cultural asset that paved the way for performance artistry of the Korean agricultural work songs to be seen at a national folk art festival. From the perspective of regional characteristics (traditionally termed "tori"), the Wonju Eorirang represents the cultural value of the manners and customs of our locals which constitute unwritten and neglected literary property and musicality of the song. Particularly, a more attention should be paid to making a record of woodcutters and diversity of farmers' small cooperative groups. The existence of the Wonju Eorirang indicates that the melodies to which the song are sung in Nongyo are of infinite variety. A minyo-singer unfolds various journeys of life through various modes and structure of epic chants, ranging from first encounter, love to marriage, realistic problems to relationship with husband's family and death. The epic chant of the Wonju Origol Nongyo contains a rich variety of regional sentiments about life. In particular, the epic chants of the Galtteukgisor and Ssoeltteukgisori are a genius example of sexual satire and a sense of humor. In the past, the agricultural work songs were rhythmic songs served to synchronize physical movements in groups, coordinating tasks in upland farming and rice paddy with the usage of catchy, repetitive verses easy to pass down. The Wonju Origol Nongyo is a precursor of the work songs which took the farming activities a notch higher to be part of the excitement and festivals. In the context of transmission, a festival serves to demonstrate the value of history and life. The value of the Wonju Eorirang should be appreciated and a concerted effort should be made to find a way to facilitate the transmission of the folk song. A folk-singer is a traditional oral poet and a storyteller of minyo and the forms and species of melody solely depend on the signer. The combination of performance and witticism is shown by the singer freely expressing himself. The Origol Nongyo symbolizes ethnic arts cleverly combining playful effects such as tune, rhythm and old agricultural work of the region. It is to be hoped that much of the efforts is directed to designating such folk songs as the archetype of a cultural heritage. In terms of the foundation on which the folk songs are transmitted, the usage(Performance Content) of a community would be an alternative.