• 한국언어정보학회지:언어와정보
• /
• 제14권2호
• /
• pp.47-70
• /
• 2010

This study investigates the semantic and prosodic properties of the so-called contrastive topic. We posit two informational primitives, namely, topical feature [+-T] and focal feature [+-F], from which four different informational categories, i.e., [+T, +F], [+T, -F], [-T, +F], and [-T, -F], are yielded. It is proposed that the informational category of contrastive topic has focal property [+F] as well as topical property [+T]. Based on the semantic approach that regards the function of [+F] as identificational predication and that of [+T] as forming a semantic conditional clause, it is shown that the semantic function of contrastive topic, which is specified as [+T, +F], is the combination of these two functions, i.e., identificational predication in a semantic conditional clause. This is supported by a scrutinized exploration of the prosodic pattern of English contrastive topic.

• 음성과학
• /
• 제9권4호
• /
• pp.215-234
• /
• 2002

This study is designed for two purposes. The first one is to compare the realization and perception of English contrastive focus between Korean learners of English and native speakers of English. The second purpose is to study the phonological and phonetical features of contrastive focus by examining the results of production and perception experiments. English native speakers' results show that the English contrastive accents are generally accompanied by higher peak heights. The findings agree with the results of Bartels & Kingston (1994). Unlike native speakers of English, Korean speakers seem to be poor at relating the phonetical features of contrastive focus to their actual speech. Korean speakers' results are especially unsuccessful when the contrast is not distinctly grasped through syntactic structure, or when the function words are contrasted. Furthermore, Korean speakers' utterances tend to have pitch accents on every content word, whether the word is contrasted or not.

• 한국언어정보학회지:언어와정보
• /
• 제12권2호
• /
• pp.1-20
• /
• 2008

This paper examines the effects of focus types on case ellipsis in Korean. A number of previous studies have suggested that accusative case markers in Korean and Japanese cannot be dropped when the object they mark is contrastively focused (Masunaga, 1988; Yatabe, 1999; Ko, 2000; Lee, 2002). Using experimental evidence, we argue against the view that case ellipsis in Korean is sensitive to the distinction between contrastive vs. non-contrastive focus. An alternative analysis is proposed which accounts for the phenomenon of variable case marking in terms of the interaction between the contrastive strength and the discourse accessibility of focused object NPs. By viewing patterns of case ellipsis as the result of balancing between these two forces, such an analysis can correctly predict the gradient pattern of case ellipsis shown by the three types of focused objects tested in the experiment (contrastive replacing focus, contrastive selecting focus and non-contrastive, informational focus), while at the same time offering an explanation for why subtypes of focus exert distinct influences on case ellipsis.

• 한국정보과학회 언어공학연구회:학술대회논문집(한글 및 한국어 정보처리)
• /
• 한국정보과학회언어공학연구회 2004년도 제16회 한글.언어.인지 한술대회
• /
• pp.323-328
• /
• 2004

The main concern of the paper is to establish a hypothesis in which the form thi is treated as a particular Contrastive Topic marker in Vietnamese sentence structure. We have investigated that the form thican be placed after a topical nominal or verbal to compose a Contrastive Topic phrase. Not only the subjects or objects but predicates in Vietnamese can have a CT interpretation with the marker thi. The thi-phrase not only refers to an entity or event the speaker wants to talk about, but also indicates that there exist contrastive alternatives the speaker wants to talk about. The nature of the contrastive topic decides the nature the alternative set and the choice of the topic of the implicated proposition. When the set of alternatives does not have the characteristic of scale, we have a descriptive opposite implicature. Again, if the contrastive set is a scalar set, we gat a denial-of expectation implicature.

• 대한음성학회:학술대회논문집
• /
• 대한음성학회 2005년도 추계 학술대회 발표논문집
• /
• pp.179-184
• /
• 2005

The aim of this paper is to analyze the phonetic features of the lexical contrastive focus and the segmental contrastive focus. In this paper, I made two variables to study the realization of the contrastive focus. One is the three phonation types of the Korean plosive, a lenis, a fortis and an aspirate. The other is the positions of the segmental contrastive focus syllable in a word. I examined pitch, duration, intensity, VOT, formant, and so on. The realization of focus is different by the phonation types and the positions of the focused syllable.

• 한국언어정보학회지:언어와정보
• /
• 제5권2호
• /
• pp.57-74
• /
• 2001

In this paper, I propose syntactic, semantic and pragmatic restrictions on the distribution of the contrastive topic marker‘-(n)un’in Korean. A contrastive topic is associated with another focus. The association with focus is subject to syntactic islands. On the other hand, there is no syntactic restriction between a phrase attached with‘-(n)un’and a focused expression within the ‘-(n)un’phrase itself. In this area there is a semantic requirement that the alternatives generated by a focused expression be maintained up to the phrase attached with‘-(n)un’. Finally, when‘-(n)un’is used in an embedded clause, the whole sentence becomes natural when the contrastive topic introduced by‘-(n)un’and its alternative contrastive topic, which is presupposed by the contrastive topic marker, jointly constitute a more complex topic which is related to the whole context. And exclusiveness facilitates the formation of the whole complex context.

• 한국언어정보학회:학술대회논문집
• /
• 한국언어정보학회 2007년도 정기학술대회
• /
• pp.259-267
• /
• 2007

This paper sets forth the phenomenon of Contrastive Reduplication (CR) in English relevant to the notion of contrastive focus (CF). CF differs from other reduplicative patterns in that rather than the general intensive function, denotation of a more prototypical and default meaning of a lexical item appears from the reduplicated form resulting as a semantic contrast with the meaning of the non-reduplicated word. Thus, CR is in concordance with CF under the concept of contrastivity. However, much of the previous works on CF associated contrastivity with a manufacture of a set of alternatives taking a semantic approach. We claim that a recent discourse-pragmatic account takes advantage of explaining the vague contrast in informativeness of CR. Zimmermann's (2006) Contrastive Focus Hypothesis characterizes contrastivity in the sense of speaker's assumptions about the hearer's expectation of the focused element. This approach makes possible adaptation to CR and recovers the possible subsets of meaning of a reduplicated form in a more refined way showing contrastivity in informativeness. Additionally, CR in other languages along with similar set-limiting phenomenon in various languages will be introduced in general.

• 인지과학
• /
• 제16권2호
• /
• pp.69-92
• /
• 2005

담화에 있어서의 응집성과 대비 정보의 특성에 대한 언어학적 이론 연구 결과를 간단히 고찰하고, 이를 담화 이해에 있어서의 대비정보 처리 과정에 대한 인지심리학적 이론과 연결하여, 담화에서의 대비 정보의 처리과정에 대한 잠정적 모델을 제시하였다. 이 모델의 가능성을 탐색하기 위하여 단문과 장문의 글을 사용하여 실시된 8개의 실험절차와 결과를 기술하였다. 실험 결과, 대비 문장은 부호화 시에 처리시간이 더 걸리나, 인출 시에는 재인 속도가 빨랐으며 더 많은 양이 단서 회상되었다. 대비가 담화구조의 소형구조와 대형구조 수준의 어느 수준에서 일어났는가에 따라서 부호화 시간에 차이가 났으며, 대비 문장 직후 문장은 그것이 대비 상황의 갈등적 의미를 해결하여주건 안하건 간에 처리시간이 길었다. 8개의 실험 결과들이 언어학과 인지심리학에서의 응집성 연구 및 대비 연구를 통합하는 연구 틀을 발전시킴에 시사하는 바가 논의되었다.

• 한국언어정보학회지:언어와정보
• /
• 제4권1호
• /
• pp.62-70
• /
• 2000

• 한국언어정보학회:학술대회논문집
• /
• 한국언어정보학회 2000년도 하계 학술대회 발표 논문집
• /
• pp.62-70
• /
• 2000