• Journal of the Korean Association of Geographic Information Studies
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.174-189
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• 2015

The objective of this study was to reconstruct spatial information using the results of the investigation and evaluation of the health of the living organisms, habitat, and water quality at the investigation points for the aquatic ecosystem health of the Nakdong River basin, to support the rational decision making of the aquatic ecosystem preservation and restoration policies of the Nakdong River basin using spatial analysis techniques, and to present efficient management methods. To analyze the aquatic ecosystem health of the Nakdong River basin, punctiform data were constructed based on the position information of each point with the aquatic ecosystem health investigation and evaluation results of 250 investigation sections. To apply the spatial analysis technique, the data need to be reconstructed into areal data. For this purpose, spatial influence and trends were analyzed using the Kriging interpolation(ArcGIS 10.1, Geostatistical Analysis), and were reconstructed into areal data. To analyze the spatial distribution characteristics of the Nakdong River basin health based on these analytical results, hotspot(Getis-Ord Gi, $G^*_i$), LISA(Local Indicator of Spatial Association), and standard deviational ellipse analyses were used. The hotspot analysis results showed that the hotspot basins of the biotic indices(TDI, BMI, FAI) were the Andong Dam upstream, Wangpicheon, and the Imha Dam basin, and that the health grades of their biotic indices were good. The coldspot basins were Nakdong River Namhae, the Nakdong River mouth, and the Suyeong River basin. The LISA analysis results showed that the exceptional areas were Gahwacheon, the Hapcheon Dam, and the Yeong River upstream basin. These areas had high bio-health indices, but their surrounding basins were low and required management for aquatic ecosystem health. The hotspot basins of the physicochemical factor(BOD) were the Nakdong River downstream basin, Suyeong River, Hoeya River, and the Nakdong River Namhae basin, whereas the coldspot basins were the upstream basins of the Nakdong River tributaries, including Andong Dam, Imha Dam, and Yeong River. The hotspots of the habitat and riverside environment factor(HRI) were different from the hotspots and coldspots of each factor in the LISA analysis results. In general, the habitat and riverside environment of the Nakdong River mainstream and tributaries, including the Nakdong river upstream, Andong Dam, Imha Dam, and the Hapcheon Dam basin, had good health. The coldspot basins of the habitat and riverside environment also showed low health indices of the biotic indices and physicochemical factors, thus requiring management of the habitat and riverside environment. As a result of the time-series analysis with a standard deviation ellipsoid, the areas with good aquatic ecosystem health of the organisms, habitat, and riverside environment showed a tendency to move northward, and the BOD results showed different directions and concentrations by the year of investigation. These aquatic ecosystem health analysis results can provide not only the health management information for each investigation spot but also information for managing the aquatic ecosystem in the catchment unit for the working research staff as well as for the water environment researchers in the future, based on spatial information.

• Magazine of the Korean Society of Agricultural Engineers
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.1937-1947
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• 1970

This experiment was conducted, making use of the 'NONG-RIM No, 6' a recommended variety of rice plant for the year of 1969. Main purpose of the experiment are to explore possibilities of; a) ways and means of saving irrigation water and, b) overcoming drought at the same time so that an increaded yield in rice production could be resulted in Specifically, it was tried to determine the effects of the Rotation Irrigation method combined with differentiated thickess of Lining upon the growth and Yield of rice production. Some of the major finding are summarized in the follows. 1) The Different thicknesses show a significant relationship with the weight of 1000 grains. In the case of 3cm Lined plot, the grain weight is 39.0 Grams, the heaviest. Next in order is 6 cm lined plnt, 5 day control plot, 6 day control plot. 2) In rice yield, it is found that there is a considerably moderate signicant relationship with both the different thickness of lining and the number of irrgation, as shown in the table No,7. 3) There is little or no difference among different plot in terms of; a) physical and chemical properties of soil, b) quality of irrgation water, c) climatic condition, and rainfalls. 4) It is found that there is no significant relationship between differences in the method of rotation irrgation and the number of ears per hill because of too much rainydays and low temperature during irrigation season. 5) In uyny1-treated plots, it is shown that there is on difference among different plots, but the irrigation water requirement saved as much as 1/2 to actual irrigation water compare to uncontroled plot. 6) The irrigation water requirement for 48 days is saved as much 67% compared to uncontroled plot, the order are; the 9cm lined plot, the plot of vinyl with no hole, the plot with a hole of $1cm/m^2$ as shows in fig 15. 7) The rate of percolation of 40-30mm/day is decreased to 30-20/day. It is found that the decreasad rate of percolation due to vinyl-cutoff in footpath. 8) The growing condition was fine, and there was no found that decease and lageing as always submerged plot. 9) It is found that it must be constructed irrigation and drainage system, inlet and outlet perpect, respectly, of which could be irrigation water saved and would be inereased the irrigation water temperature.

• Korean Journal of Agricultural Science
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.166-184
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• 1979

In order to prevent the water loss in the irrigation canal constructed on the sandy gravel layer or on the other highly permeable ground layer, lining has been practiced. Many studies have been done so far on the lining method to prevent the water loss in the irrigation canal and recently studies on the lining with plastic film or polyethylene film were also reported. However, the plastic film or polyethylene film has low strength and is liable to break, and water loss from pin hole caused by contacting with sand or gravel is highly predicted. This study was then conducted to find proper lining and buring method in canal construction of polypropylene mat after coated with vinyl, as one way to overcome the shortcoming frequently observed when plastic or usual polyehtylene film were used. Eventhough rather longer periods of experiments are needed to attain reliable and accurate results on the variation of durability, the durability of asphalt coated area, or on the damage due to freeze after burial or exposure of polypropylene mat, the experiemental results obtained during one year of period are summarized as follows: 1. The curvature at the area between canal bottom and side slope had increased stability and saved consruction cost. The relationship among the variation of curvature, the reduction of polypropylene mat and the reduced amount of soil cutting at each side slope was presented in Fig. 7 through 9. 2. The depth of covering material to protect polypropylene mat was desired to be over 30cm, considering the water depth, side slope, canal cleaning practices, traffic, or back pressure of irrigation period. 3. In order to increase the canal stability and to prevent slope erosion, sandy soil was required, to be placed under ground, and coarse gravel should cover the surface area of canal. 4. The studies on the stability of side slope in the canal should consider the passive area on the bottom and the slope should be about 1 to 2, considering the slope stability, allowable velocity and tractive force. 5. When compared with earth lining, the lining with polypropylene mat coated with vinyl was responsible to save 28% and 37% of canal lining cost, when the soil carrying distances were 500 and 700m. respectively. 6. The water interception was almost completely attained when the polypropylene mat coated with vinyl was used for lining. But further studies were assumed to be necessary for the use of asphalt since the strength of polypropylene mat connected with asphalt will vary with duration.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.6
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• pp.107-116
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• 2013

This study was undertaken to investigate the characteristics of retention and evapotranspiration in the extensive greening module of sloped and flat rooftops for stormwater management and urban heat island mitigation. A series of 100mm depth's weighing lysimeters planted with Sedum kamtschaticum. were constructed on a 50% slope facing four orientations(north, east, south and west) and a flat rooftop. Thereafter the retention and evapotranspiration from the greening module and the surface temperature of nongreening and greening rooftop were recorded beginning in September 2012 for a period of 1 year. The characteristics of retention and evapotranspiration in the greening module were as follows. The water storage of the sloped and flat greening modules increased to 8.7~28.4mm and 10.6~31.8mm after rainfall except in the winter season, in which it decreased to 3.3mm and 3.9mm in the longer dry period. The maximum stormwater retention of the sloped and flat greening modules was 22.2mm and 23.1mm except in the winter season. Fitted stormwater retention function was [Stormwater Retention Ratio(%)=-18.42 ln(Precipitation)+107.9, $R^2$=0.80] for sloped greening modules, and that was [Stormwater Retention Ratio(%)=-22.64 ln(X)+130.8, $R^2$=0.81] for flat greening modules. The daily evapotranspiration(mm/day) from the greening modules after rainfall decreased rapidly with a power function type in summer, and with a log function type in spring and autumn. The daily evapotranspiration(mm/day) from the greening modules after rainfall was greater in summer > spring > autumn > winter by season. This may be due to the differences in water storage, solar radiation and air temperature. The daily evapotranspiration from the greening modules decreased rapidly from 2~7mm/day to less than 1mm/day for 3~5 days after rainfall, and that decreased slowly after 3~5 days. This indicates that Sedum kamtschaticum used water rapidly when it was available and conserved water when it was not. The albedo of the concrete rooftop and greening rooftop was 0.151 and 0.137 in summer, and 0.165 and 0.165 in winter respectively. The albedo of the concrete rooftop and greening rooftop was similar. The effect of the daily mean and highest surface temperature decrease by greening during the summer season showed $1.6{\sim}13.8^{\circ}C$(mean $9.7^{\circ}C$) and $6.2{\sim}17.6^{\circ}C$(mean $11.2^{\circ}C$). The difference of the daily mean and highest surface temperature between the greening rooftop and concrete rooftop during the winter season were small, measuring $-2.4{\sim}1.3^{\circ}C$(mean $-0.4^{\circ}C$) and $-4.2{\sim}2.6^{\circ}C$(mean $0.0^{\circ}C$). The difference in the highest daily surface temperature between the greening rooftop and concrete rooftop during the summer season increased with an evapotranspiration rate increase by a linear function type. The fitted function of the highest daily surface temperature decrease was [Temperature Decrease($^{\circ}C$)=$1.4361{\times}$(Evapotranspiration rate(mm/day))+8.83, $R^2$=0.59]. The decrease of the surface temperature by greening in the longer dry period was due to sun protection by the sedum canopy. The results of this study indicate that the extensive rooftop greening will assist in managing stormwater runoff and urban heat island through retention and evapotranspiration. Sedum kamtschaticum would be the ideal plant for a non-irrigated extensive green roof. The shading effects of Sedum kamtschaticum would be important as well as the evapotranspiration effects of that for the long-term mitigation effects of an urban heat island.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.57
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• pp.57-90
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• 2018

In this discussion, as a way to verify the existence of the system to regulate Zhou dynasty's $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) numbers, the discussion was focused on '$mi{\grave{a}}o$ (廟)' and '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮)' in the records of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)". As for the parts where the contents of scripture sentences were not specific, the context of the case was investigated through the writings in "$Zu{\breve{o}}-zhu{\grave{a}}n$(左傳)" and other materials. In the cases of the usage of the letter, '$mi{\grave{a}}o$(廟 : a ruler's house, a nation's royal court)', in the scripture sentences in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the followings need to be noticed. In $t{\grave{a}}i-mi{\grave{a}}o$(太廟) of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), nationwide events and a ruler's political ancestral rite, $d{\grave{i}}$(?) ritual, were performed, and fancy tools for ancestral rites used in those rituals were equipped. As for the $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) of a ruler of those times, a ritual of royal court, $ch{\acute{a}}o$(朝) rite, was performed. The usage case of the letter, '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮 : house)', is as the following. In $g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮) where a ruler's personal family lived was a family ancestral rite for them carried out. The record about the ornate decorating for the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮), which can be said to have been the political base of $s{\bar{a}}n-hu{\acute{a}}n-sh{\grave{i}}$(三桓氏), three politically noble families of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), is outstanding. The $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(西宮) during $X{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 僖公)'s reign and a $x{\bar{i}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(新宮 : a newly built house) destroyed by fire at the third year of $Ch{\acute{e}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 成公), are assumed to have been a ruler's another house, such as the $ch{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(楚宮) in which $Xi{\bar{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 襄公) used to enjoy staying, which is different from the viewpoint that it might be a $m{\acute{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ shrine(?宮 : a house constructed as a shrine for the deceased father or the deceased grand father) that had been formed since Han dynasty. It has been discussed that, regarding the records that the '$w{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(武宮) was built' and that the '$y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(煬宮) was built', certain buildings were established with the symbols of '$w{\check{u}}$(武 : martial arts and force of arms)' and '$y{\acute{a}}ng$(煬 : to burn and get rid of everything)', and the events that a lord stood as its lord continued. Therefore, its main goal was not the performance of a dutiful ancestral rite by a ruler of those times for deceased rulers, for instance, $W{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 武公) or $Y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 煬公), but display of certain political symbolism through the ritual. This symbolism is most obvious with the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮) and the $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(僖宮). As a consequence, all $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟) and $g{\bar{o}}ngs$(宮) in scripture sentences had the functions of a shrine in some part, but it has been verified that they were not the buildings set up as a shrine to follow '$z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟)'s number regulation system' of '$ti{\bar{a}}nz{\check{i}}-7-mi{\grave{a}}o$(天子七廟 : an emperor owns seven $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))' or '$zh{\bar{u}}h{\acute{o}}u-5-mi{\grave{a}}o$(諸侯五廟 : a lord owns five $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))'.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.196-221
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• 2011

The Royal Private Shrines or the Samyo(私廟), were dedicated to members of Choseon's royal family who could not be enshrined at the (official) Royal Ancestral Shrine, the Jongmyo(宗廟). The Samyo were constructed at the national level and were systematically managed as such. Because these private Shrines were dedicated to those who couldn't belong to the Jongmyo but were still very important, such as the ruling king's biological father or mother. The details of all royal constructions were included in the State Event Manuals, and with them, the two-dimensional layouts of the Samyo also. From the remaining "Hyunsa-gung Private Tomb Construction Layout Record(顯思宮別廟營建都監儀軌)" of 1824, which is the construction record of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine(景祐宮) dedicated to Subin, the mother of King Sunjo(純祖), it became possible to investigate the so far unknown "The Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine", in terms of the year produced, materials used and other situational contexts. The investigation revealed that the "The Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine" is actually the "Hyunsa-gung Private Tomb Layout" produced by the Royal Construction Bureau. The bureau painted this to build Hyunsa-gung Private Shrine in a separately prepared site outside the court in 1824, according to the royal verdict to close down and move the temporary shrine inside the courtyard dedicated to Subin who had passed away in 1822. As the Construction Bureau must have also produced the Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine Layout, the painter(s) of this layout should exist among the official artists listed in the State Event Manual, but sadly, as their paintings have not survived to this day, we cannot compare their painting styles. The biggest stylistic character of the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine is its perfect diagonal composition method and detailed and neat portrayalof the many palace buildings, just as seen in Donggwoldo(東闕圖, Painting of a panoramic view for Changdeokgung and Changgyeonggung Palaces). A well-perceiving architectural painting employs a specific point of view chosen to fit the purpose of the painting, or it can opt to the multi-viewpoint. Korean traditional architectural paintings in early ages utilized the diagonal composition method, the bird-eye viewpoint, or the multi-viewpoint. By the 18th century, detailed but also artistic architectural paintings utilizing the diagonal method are observed. In the early 19th century, the peak of such techniques is exhibited in Donggwoldo(Painting of a panoramic view for Changdeokgung and Changgyeonggung Palaces). From the perfect diagonal composition method employed and the details of the palace buildings numbering almost two hundreds, we can determine that the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine also belongs to the same category of the highly technical architectural paintings as Donggwoldo(Painting of a panoramic view for Changdeokgung and Changgyeonggung Palaces). We can also confirm this hypothesis by comparing the painting techniques employed in these two paintings in detailthe way trees and houses are depicted, and the way ground texture is expressed, etc. The unique characteristic of the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine is, however, that the area surrounding the central shrine building(正堂), the most important area of the shrine, is drawn using not the diagonal method but the bird-eye viewpoint with the buildings lying flat on both the left and right sides, just as seen in the "Buildings Below the Central Shrine(正堂以下諸處)" in the State Event Manual's Painting Method section. The same viewpoint method is discovered in some other concurrent paintings of common residential buildings, so it is not certain that this particular viewpoint had been a distinctive feature for shrine paintings in general. On the other hand, when the diagonalmethod pointing to the left direction is chosen, the top-left and bottom-right sections of the painting become inevitably empty. This has been the case for the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine, but in contrast, Donggwoldo shows perfect screen composition with these empty margins filled up with different types of trees and other objects. Such difference is consistent with the different situational contexts of these two paintings: the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine is a simple single-sheet painting, while Donggwoldo is a perfected work of painting book given an official title. Therefore, if Donggwoldo was produced to fulfill the role of depiction and documentation as well as the aesthetic purpose, contrastingly, the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine only served the purpose of copying the circumstances of the architecture and projecting them onto the painting.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.3
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• pp.4-31
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• 2018

It is difficult to ascertain exactly when the Hongjuupseong (Town Wall) was first constructed, due to it had undergone several times of repair and maintenance works since it was piled up newly in 1415, when the first year of the reign of King Munjong (the 5th King of the Joseon Dynasty). Parts of its walls were demolished during the Japanese occupation, leaving the wall as it is today. Hongseong region is also susceptible to historical earthquakes for geological reasons. There have been records of earthquakes, such as the ones in 1978 and 1979 having magnitudes of 5.0 and 4.0, respectively, which left part of the walls collapsed. Again, in 2010, heavy rainfall destroyed another part of the wall. The fortress walls of the Hongjuupseong comprise various rocks, types of facing, building methods, and filling materials, according to sections. Moreover, the remaining wall parts were reused in repair works, and characteristics of each period are reflected vertically in the wall. Therefore, based on the vertical distribution of the walls, the Hongjuupseong was divided into type I, type II, and type III, according to building types. The walls consist mainly of coarse-grained granites, but, clearly different types of rocks were used for varying types of walls. The bottom of the wall shows a mixed variety of rocks and natural and split stones, whereas the center is made up mostly of coarse-grained granites. For repairs, pink feldspar granites was used, but it was different from the rock variety utilized for Suguji and Joyangmun Gate. Deterioration types to the wall can be categorized into bulging, protrusion of stones, missing stones at the basement, separation of framework, fissure and fragmentation, basement instability, and structural deformation. Manually and light-wave measurements were used to check the amount and direction of behavior of the fortress walls. A manual measurement revealed the sections that were undergoing structural deformation. Compared with the result of the light-wave measurement, the two monitoring methods proved correlational. As a result, the two measuring methods can be used complementarily for the long-term conservation and management of the wall. Additionally, the measurement system must be maintained, managed, and improved for the stability of the Hongjuupseong. The measurement of Nammunji indicated continuing changes in behavior due to collapse and rainfall. It can be greatly presumed that accumulated changes over the long period reached the threshold due to concentrated rainfall and subsequent behavioral irregularities, leading to the walls' collapse. Based on the findings, suggestions of the six grades of management from 0 to 5 have been made, to manage the Hongjuupseong more effectively. The applied suggested grade system of 501.9 m (61.10%) was assessed to grade 1, 29.5 m (3.77%) to grade 2, 10.4 m (1.33%) to grade 3, 241.2 m (30.80%) and grade 4. The sections with grade 4 concentrated around the west of Honghwamun Gate and the east of the battlement, which must be monitored regularly in preparation for a potential emergency. The six-staged management grade system is cyclical, where after performing repair and maintenance works through a comprehensive stability review, the section returned to grade 0. It is necessary to monitor thoroughly and evaluate grades on a regular basis.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.37-76
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• 2017

$Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.