• Journal of Distribution Science
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.13-20
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• 2012

The "flextime" system, which was initially designed to maintain a balance between work and personal life, has recently received much attention as an alternative form of work, enabling employees to fully exert their creativity. Most studies show that the effects of flextime on performance, productivity, attitude toward the organization, absenteeism, and turnover differ between managerial and non-managerial workers. This suggests that workers' personal characteristics affect their preference for flextime by directly or indirectly influencing its result variables. As most Korean companies have not adopted the flextime system, little research has been conducted on it in Korea. Recently, Korean companies have been discussing flextime as one of several measures for enhancing international competitiveness. Therefore, this study aims to offer a theoretical framework for the introduction of the system by analyzing the effects of the precedent factors on the preference for flextime. Though not statistically significant, a higher preference for flextime is noted among workers over the age of 36. Older workers usually are more conservative and less adaptable to change but here the older Korean workers may be anxious and resistant. Additional research on workers in different types of businesses using improved research methods will lead to more meaningful results. Married workers display a lower preference to flextime than single workers. In Korea, the current atmosphere focused on a happy home encourages married workers to prefer regular work hours, enabling them to go to and from work on a regular schedule. This means that normal working hours, from morning to evening, are preferred as it is the most suitable system for families. However, this is not so in the case of single workers. Unmarried singles tend to prefer flextime for investing in self-development toward future prosperity, over the benefits of regular working-hours. Flextime is designed to meet their needs to some extent as it is helpful in maintaining a balance between work life and self-development. If flextime is selected, workers can spend mornings on self-development and work in the afternoons. Therefore, when flextime is introduced in Korea, it would be desirable to start with unmarried workers, to increase corporate creativity and productivity and develop individual potential. In particular, when the five-day workweek, the main concern for companies and labor unions, is adopted, synergy with flextime could be expected and a gradual implementation of flextime will be effective. Gender difference shows similar results to marital status with male workers displaying a higher preference for flextime. It is inferred that male workers' attitudes toward flextime are more favorable than female workers' because flextime enables self-development and work life to coexist. A relatively weak, though statistically significant, correlation exists between control position and flextime preference with inner-control-oriented workers displaying favorable attitudes toward flextime. Generally, inner-control-oriented workers tend to attribute the consequences caused by any person or partner relationship to themselves. Thus, when a new system is introduced they are likely to have less reluctance and fear than outer-control-oriented workers, because they think it is important to deal with the new system. A weak but slight correlation exists between the desire for achievement and flextime preference. People who have a higher desire for achievement are willing to consider the new system, especially if significant success is reasonably expected. This result is derived from a reasonable judgment that flextime offers an individual the time for self-development while the organization benefits from the resulting creativity and performance enhancements. Although not the primary analysis, a high correlation is found between control position and the desire for achievement, which is consistent with the results of previous research. The regression analysis not only supports the preceding ANOVA and correlation analysis but also shows the existence of a causal relationship. Married workers have a weak preference for flextime, which is consistent with the results of the preceding ANOVA. Relative to men, women have a weak preference for flextime. No statistically significant correlation was noticed for age. Inner-control-oriented workers prefer flextime more than outer-control-oriented workers as the former view the consequences of change to be their own responsibility. However, the preference for flextime seems to be weak. As expected, people with a higher desire for achievement have a stronger preference for flextime, presumably because the greater the desire for achievement, the stronger the spirit of challenging an uncertain future. No significant correlation exists between job satisfaction and flextime preference.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.45 no.4
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• pp.795-804
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• 1998

Background: Chronic eosinophilic pneumonia(CEP) is interstitial lung disease characterized by multiple infiltration on radiographic study, accumulation of eosinophils in the alveolar space and interstitium of the lung, chronic persistent symptoms and possible relapse. Acute eosinophilic pneumonia(AEP) is a recently described illness, characterized by rapid clinical course, acute respiratory insufficiency and no relapse. Method : To better characterize acute and chronic eosinophilic pneumonia, we studied the clinical and laboratory features of 16 patients(AEP : 7 patients, CEP : 9 patients), which were clinico-pathohistologically diagnosed and not to be associated with organic disorders producing peripheral blood eosinophilia. Results: The mean age was higher for patients with CEP than for patients with AEP ($55.4{\pm}15.1$ vs. $24.6{\pm}7.9$ years, p<0.05). High fever(above $38^{\circ}C$) was presented in all patients of AEP and in one patient(11%) of CEP. All patients of AEP and eight patients (89%) of CEP showed bilateral pulmonary infiltrates, and 6 patients(86%) of AEP and 2 patients(22%) of CEP showed pleural effusion in chest radiograph. The mean white blood cell count of AEP and CEP were $17,186/mm^3$ and $12,867/mm^3$, respectively. The mean peripheral blood eosinophil count of AEP and CEP were $939/mm^3$ and $2,104/mm^3$, respectively. The mean eosinophil fraction of BAL fluid of AEP and CEP were 32.4% (range: 18~47%) and 35.8% (range: 15.3~88.2%), respectively. The mean $PaO_2$ was lower for patients with AEP than for patients with CEP ($44.1{\pm}15.5$ vs. $62.7{\pm}6.9$mmHg, p<0.05). All patients of AEP and CEP were initially treated with antibiotics. All patients of CEP and one patients of AEP were finally required systemic steroid therapy. 6 patients of AEP were improved without steroid therapy. Relapse was observed in 3 patients(33%) of CEP. Conclusion : Compair with of chronic eosinophilic pneumonia, acute eosinophilic pneumonia was characterized by relatively young age, acute onset, high fever, severe hypoxemia, diffuse pulmonary infiltrates with pleural effusion, steroid therapy is effective but spontaneous improvement with conservative therapy was frequent.

• The Journal of Natural Sciences
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• v.7
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• pp.133-162
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• 1995

Paderborn's companies, Wameling and Cassau, produce the liturgical vestments, which have much traditional artistic merit. And Kevelaerer Fahnen + Paramenten GmbH, located in Kevelater which is a place of pilgrimage of the Virgin Mary, was known to Europe, Africa, America and the Scandinavia Peninsula as the "Hidden Company" of liturgical vesments maker up to now. Paderborn and Kevelaer were the place of the center of the religious world and the Catholic ceremony during a good few centries. The Catholic liturgical vestiments of these 3 companies use versatile design, color, shape and techniques. These have not only the symbolism of religion, but also can meet our's expectations of utilization of modern textile art, art clothing and wide-all division of design. These give the understanding of symbolic meanings and harmony according to liturgical vestments to the believers. And these have an influence on mental thinking and induction of religious belief to the non-believers as the recognition and concerns about the religious art. The liturgical vestments are clothes which churchmen put on at the all ceremonial function of a mass, a sacrament, performance and a parade according to rules of church. These show the represen-tation of "Holy God" in silence and distinguish between common people and churchmen. And these represent a status and dignity of churchmen and induce majesty and respect to churchmen. Common clothes of the beginning of the Greece and Rome was developed to Christian clothes with the tendency of religion. There were no special uniforms distinguished from commen people until the Christianity was recognized officially by the Roman Emperor Constantinus at A.D.313. The color of liturgical vestments was originally white and changed to special colors according to liturgical day and each time by the Pope Innocentius at 12th century. The color and symbolic meaning of the liturgical vestments of present day was originated by the Pope St. Pius(1566-1572). Wool and Linen was used as decorations and materials in the beginnings and the special materials like silk was used after 4th century and beautiful materials made of gold thread was used at 12th century. It is expected that there is no critical changes to the liturgical vestments of future. But the development of liturgical vestments will continues slowly by the command of conservative church and will change to simple and convenient formes according to the culture, the trend of the times and the fashion of clothes. The companies of liturgical vestments develop versatile design, embroidery technique and realization of creative design for distinction of the liturgical vestments of each company and artistic progress. The cooperation of companies, artists and church will make the bright future of these 3 companies. We expect that our country will be a famous producing center of the liturgical vestments through the research and development of companies, participation of artists in religeous arts and concerts of church.

• Radiation Oncology Journal
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• v.16 no.4
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• pp.485-495
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• 1998

Purpose : The major goal of the therapy in the soft tissue sarcoma is to control both local and distant tumor. However, the technique of obtaining local control has changed significantly over the past few decades from more aggressive surgery to combined therapy including conservative surgery and radiation and/or chemotherapy. We retrospectively analyzed the treatment results of the postoperative radiation therapy of soft tissue sarcoma and its prognostic factor. Materials and Methods : Between March 1983 and June 1994, 50 patients with soft tissue sarcoma were treated with surgery and postoperative radiation therapy at Kang-Nam St. Mary's hospital. Complete follow up was possible for all patients with median follow up duration 50 months (range 6-162 months). There were 28 male and 32 female patients. Their age ranged from 6 to 83 with a median of 44 years. Extremity (58$\%$) was the most frequent site of occurrence followed by trunk (20$\%$) and head and neck (12$\%$). Histologically malignant fibrous histiocytoma (23$\%$), liposarcoma (17$\%$), malignant schwannoma (12$\%$) constitute 52$\%$ of the patients. Daily radiation therapy designed to treat all areas at a risk for tumor spread upto dose of 4500-5000 cGy. A shrinking field technique was then used and total 55-65 Gy was delivered to tumor bed. Twenty-five patients (42$\%$) received chemotherapy with various regimen in the postoperative period. Results : Total 41 patients failed either with local recurrence or with distant metastasis. There were 29 patients (48$\%$) of local recurrence. Four patients (7$\%$) developed simultaneous local recurrence and distant metastasis and 8 patients (13$\%$) developed only distant metastasis. Local recurrence rate was rather higher than of other reported series. This study included patients of gross residual, recurrent cases after previous operation, trunk and head and neck Primary This feature is likely explanation for the decreased local control rate. Five of 29 Patients who failed only locally were salvaged by re-excision and/or re-irradiation and remained free of disease. Factors affecting local control include histologic type, grade, stage, extent of operation and surgical margin involvement, lymph node metastasis (p<0.05). All 21 patients who failed distantly are dead with progressive disease at the time of this report. Our overall survival results are similar to those of larger series. Actuarial 5 year overall survival and disease free survival were 60.4 $\%$, 30.6$\%$ respectively. Grade, stage (being close association with grade), residual disease (negative margin, microscopic, gross) were significant as a predictor of survival in our series (p<0.05). Conclusion : Combined surgery and postoperative radiation therapy obtained 5 year survival rate comparable to that of radical surgery.

• Korean Journal of Head & Neck Oncology
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.39-46
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• 1989

Kimura's Disease is a chronic inflammatory and proliferative condition producing subcutaneous masses especially in the head and neck area. This report of our experience with 5 patients with this disease is the first in the Korean surgical literature. Kimura's Disease is thought to be part of the larger spectrum of the entity known as angiolymphoid hyperplasia with eosinophilia (ALHE). It is characterized pathologically by hyperplastic lymphoid follicles, eosinophilic infiltration, and vase 비 ar proliferation. It produces masses which are most common in the area of the parotid, submandibular gland and upper neck. These masses occupy the subcutaneous tissues but also extend into salivary tissue and into upper neck nodes. One of our patients had masses in the groin. The tumors are extremely vascular due to the presence of new proliferative vessels and sinusoids. The average age of our 5 patients was 35, but all but one case were younger than 38 years of age. The male: female ratio was 3 : 2, and the average duration of symptoms was 5,2years. All patients had peripheral blood eosinophilia. All had multiple masses, sometimes symmetrical. The management was surgery alone in one case, surgery and steroids in one case, surgery and radiotherapy in two cases, and all three modalities in one case. The relationship of this entity to ALHE and our experience in the management of this disease are presented. A clinicopathological discrepancy alerted us to the existence of Kimura's Disease. A nineteen-year old male presented with subcutaneous masses over both mastoid areas present for 3 years (Case III). When biopsy on each side was reported as 'eosinophilic granuloma' we submitted the slides to an internationally expert pathologist. Symmetrically occurring tumors in the peri-parotid subcutaneous areas did not fit any category of neoplasm or granuloma known to us. The diagnosis, made by Dr. Gist Fan at the Ochsner Clinic, was Kimura's Disease. We found two additional cases in a review of soft tissue eosinophilic granuloma previously reported at Presbyterian Medical Center, and since then have diagnosed two new cases. These five cases constitute the basis for this, the largest series to be reported in Korea. These vascular, tumor-like lesions of the skin, subcutaneous areas and subjacent structures of the head and neck have been a variety of names, such as angiolymphoid hyperplasia with eosinophilia, eosinophilic hyperplastic lymphogranuloma, angioblastic lymphoid hyperplasia with eosinophilia, histioid hemangioma, and epithelioid hemangioma. The history of this disease spectrum dates back to 1937 when Kimm and Szeto (1) reported 7 cases of 'eosinophilic hyperplastic lymphogranuloma' in the Proceedings of the Chinese Medical Journal. In 1948 Kimura and his associates(2) reported additional cases in Japan under the title 'On the unusual granulation combined with hyperplastic changes of lymphatic tissue.' From then until 1966 several hundred cases were reported in China and Japan. The first report from the West was by Wells and Whimster(3) in the British Journal of Dermatology, in 1969. These authors coined the term, angiolymphoid hyperplasia with eosinophilia (ALHE). Since that time a debate has ensued as to whether Kimura's Disease and ALHE are distinct entities, or whether Kimura's is part of the larger spectrum of ALHE, perhaps a later or advanced phase. From the clinical perspective, surgeons should be aware of the diagnosis of Kimura's Disease not only as part of the differential diagnosis of head and neck tumors but also because these lesions are indolent, and generally require conservative surgical removal as part of the management program. CASE I. A 37-year-old female company employee presented in August 1982 with submental swelling of 12 years' duration and with inguinal swelling of 7 years' duration. The submental mass measured 5x5cm. and the inguinal mass was 8x4cm. in size. Peripheral eosinophilia varying from 14% to 40% was found. On August 20, 1982, the submental mass was removed and a superficial groin dissection was done. In May 1983 an intraoral lesion of the palate was removed. The patient is free of disease. CASE II. A 23-year-old unemployed man visited this hospital for the first time in July, 1984, with swelling of the right cheek present for 6 years. The mass was soft and ill-defined but measured 10x20cm. and extended from the submandibular upper neck to the zygomatic arch, and from the mastoid to the cheek, over the parotid gland. Eosinophilia varying from 27% to 29% was noted in the peripheral blood. On March 21, 1986, the lesion was resected. The procedure comprised an extended superficial parotidectomy from the temporalis fascia to the upper neck. Post-operatively radiotherapy 3000 rad tissue dose was administered using the 6 MeV linear accelerator. The patient remains free of disease. CASE III. A 19-year-old student came to the clinic with masses over both mastoid areas, present 3 years. On the right there were two adjacent lesions, one over the mastoid, the other in the upper jugular level of the neck. On the left it was a single mass over the mastoid. Eosinophilia varied from 13 to 32% in the peripheral blood, and 11.6% in the bone marrow. Incisional biopsy revealed 'eosinophilic granuloma' and a trial of predisolone was employed. The mass increased in size so a small dose of radiation (600 rads) was used, with substantial regression,. The lesion on the left was excised and follwed by 1000 rads radiotherapy. Finally recurrent tumor on the right side was removed on November 5, 1985. The patient remains free of disease. CASE N. A 29-year-old local merchant had had swelling of both upper necks since childhood. At the time of his first visit on March 17, 1986, the right submandibular mass measured 5x3.5cm. and the ,right upper neck and parotid tail mass measured 2.5cm. On the left there were masses in the upper neck, the largest of which measured 2.5cm, and of the parotid tail, 2.0cm. in size.(See Fig. 1) Peripheral eosinophilia of 39% was recorded. Left side partial parotidectomy and resection of the upper neck and subdigstric mases was done on May 2, 1986. The mass involving the right parotid tail and upper neck nodes was removed on Angust 7,1986. Postoperatively the patient was placed on prednisolone 30 mg. per day. No definite masses are palpable. CASE V. A 66-year-old housewife informed us, at the time of her first visit in May, 1986, that she had had multiple neck masses since 10 years ago. On the right side there was a 2.5cm. subcutaneous mass of the upper neck, over the upper jugular chain. On the left there was a 9x4.5cm. mass involving the entire parotid, the post-auricular area and the upper neck. A third mass presented in the submental area and measured 3.5cm. (See Fig. 2) Eosinophilia of 51% was noted in the peripheral blood. partial excision of the left upper neck lesion and complete excision of the submental mass were performed on june 6, 1986. post-operatively she was placed on 20 mg. of prednisolone daily, but when the mass re-grew after two months she was referred to Radiation Therapy for a 2500 rad course of treatment. A barely palpable thickening remains.

• Radiation Oncology Journal
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.192-199
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• 2004

Purpose: To determine the patterns on evaluation and treatment in the patient with early breast cancer treated with conservative surgery and radiotherapy and to improve the radiotherapy techiniques, nationwide survey was peformed. Materials and Methods: A web-based database system for korean Patterns of Care Study (PCS) for 6 common cancers was developed. Two hundreds sixty-one randomly selected records of eligible patients treated between 1998$\~$1999 from 15 hospitals were reviewed. Results: The patients ages ranged from 24 to 85 years(median 45 years). Infiltrating ductal carcinoma was most common histologic type (88.9$\%$) followed by medullary carcinoma (4.2$\%$) and infiltrating lobular carcinoma (1.5$\%$). Pathologic T stage by AJCC was T1 in 59.7$\%$ of the casses, T2 in 29.5$\%$ of the cases, Tis in 8.8$\%$ of the cases. Axillary lymph node dissection was peformed I\in 91.2$\%$ of the cases and 69.7$\%$ were node negative. AJCC stage was 0 in 8.8$\%$ of the cases, stage I in 44.9$\%$ of the cases, stage IIa in 33.3$\%$ of the cases, and stage IIb in 8.4$\%$ of the cases. Estrogen and progesteron receptors were evaluated in 71.6$\%$, and 70.9$\%$ of the patients, respectively. Surgical methods of breast-conserving surgery was excision/lumpectomy in 37.2$\%$, wide excision in 11.5$\%$, quadrantectomy in 23$\%$ and partial mastectomy in 27.5$\%$ of the cases. A pathologically confirmed negative margin was obtained in 90.8$\%$ of the cases. Pathological margin was involved with tumor in 10 patients and margin was close (less than 2 mm) in 10 patients. All the patients except one recieved more than 90$\%$ of the planned radiotherapy dose. Radiotherapy volume was breast only In 88$\%$ of the cases, breast+supraclavicular fossa (SCL) in 5$\%$ of the cases, and breast+ SCL+ posterior axillary boost in 4.2%$\%$of the cases. Only one patient received isolated internal mammary lymph node irradiation. Used radiation beam was Co-60 in 8 cases, 4 MV X-ray in 115 cases, 6 MV X-ray in 125 cases, and 10 MV X-ray in 11 cases. The radiation dose to the whole breast was 45$\~$59.4 Gy (median 50.4) and boost dose was 8$\~$20 Gy (median 10 Gy). The total radiation dose delivered was 50.4$\~$70.4 Gy (median 60.4 Gy). Conclusion: There was no major deviation from current standard in the patterns of evaluation and treatment for the patients with early breast cancer treated with breast conservation method. Some varieties were identified in boost irradiation dose. Separate analysis for the datails of radiotherapy planning will be followed and the outcome of treatment is needed to evaluate the process.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.24
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• pp.5-46
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• 2006

Korean verse has flexibly changed its form and contents according to the historical background of the times. This fact arouses reader sympathy because it has reflected ideas, historical aspects and realities of the times. However, korean verse has kept its own characteristics in some ways, allowing it to exist today. It holds its form as 3 verses of three by three or four meter and three letters of the last of three verses. It makes every different version which has specific aspects of each times in the same 'sijo' area. 'Sijo' in Korean poems, is the first form that has been changed from formal to private functionally. As a result of that common verses in the Goryeo to Joseon eras were going with the stream of the times. Verse was the plate for justice so that there was no double meaning, symbols, or technical sentences. It had to show the idea of Myungchundo Jwonginryun. The theme was commonly fitted within certain areas. such as blessings, fidelity, devotion, etc. Around the end of the Joseon era, there was activation of private verses - a form of sijo with no restrictions on the length of the first two verses. Some ideas had been changed because Sarimpa gained power, domestic conflict, and the introduction of practical science. These things had an effect on the form of Sijo. After all, it shows the ideas of collapsing feudalism, resistance of confucian ideas, equality of the sexes, and opposition to the group who rule the government. Thus Sasul Sijo seems to have the tendency of resistance to reality. It was a specialty of realism poetry It explained our life in detail and reflected real life by being an intermediary of realism. This met and represented the demand of a reader's expectations. After 1905, there was new form of sijo that is very different, in form and content, from the previous versions. It was even different in areas of what people accepted. They started to think sijo was not the form of lyrical verse that is once was. It became a 'record of reading'. The form changed to 'hung or huhung' that satirized the times and the ending of a word in the last verse. Although this form could deliver the tension in statement, it was too iu from the original form. Therefore, it didn't last long, and its position got smaller because of the free verse that had western influence and was emerging in the times. In the middle of 1920, there was a movement of Sijo revival. It was lead by Choinamsun. He wrote poems and Sijo which were effected by western ideas in his early works. Although he worked with that, he took the lead in the movement of Sijo revival. He published the collection of Sijo $\ulcorner$Baekpalbunnwoi$\lrcorner$ that has one major theme-patriotic sentiment. He thought an ancient poem was a part of racial characteristics so that he expressed the main theme which represented the times and situations of his era. Modern Sijo is difficult. Sijo has to have modern and Korean verse characteristics at the same time. If it considers a modern aspect too much, it could not be distinguished from sijo and free verse. If it overly leans toward Sijo. it would seem to be too conservative which it then could be said to have no real charm of a poem. In spite of these problems, it is written constantly, because it has its own specialty. It has been focused on some works because they reflect awareness of modern times, the democratic idea, and realism. Overall, the authors of Modern Sijo express various themes by using different forms. The more what we can guess in this work, Sijo will exist permanently because of its flexibility. Furthermore, one special characteristic-flexibility of the korean verse will make it last forever and it will be a genre in Korean poetry.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.123-154
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• 2019

Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.