• Title/Summary/Keyword: complement clause

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For/from Alternations in Causative 'FOR/FROM V-ing' Constructions ('For/From V-ing' 사역구문의 전치사 for/from 교체현상 연구)

  • Kim, Mija
    • Cross-Cultural Studies
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    • v.49
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    • pp.1-32
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    • 2017
  • This paper discusses the structural and meaning features of causative from/for V-ing constructions as complement and provides insight on their grammatical characteristics revealed from alternation between prepositions for and from in nonfinite V-ing complement clause constructions. Guided by empirical data, this paper demonstrates that there are three types of syntactic patterns classified by the main verbs in these constructions and that these three syntactic types are closely linked with the meaning. These classifications are supported by the passivizations and aspect. In addition, this paper suggests that the function of for and from followed by nonfinite V-ing clause should be treated as a preposition introducing nonfinite V-ing clauses.

A Complement Analysis of the Head Internal Relative Clauses

  • Chung, Dae-Ho
    • Language and Information
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    • v.3 no.2
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    • pp.1-12
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    • 1999
  • There have been two opposing views on the structure of the so-called head internal relative construction(HIRC) in Korean/Japanese, i.e., a view that analyzes the HIRC categorially as a nominal projection and functionally as an argument(Kuroda 1992, Watanabe 1992, Hoshi 1996, Jhang 1991/1994, among others) vs. a view that analyzes the HIRC categorially as an adjunct clause and functionally as a non-argument(Murasugi 1994). This paper on the one hand points out several phenomena indicating that Murasugi's analysis is more viable, while on the other hand proposing a more complex structure than Murasugi's to account for other facts as well. The no/kes clause in the HIRC will be analyzed as the complement of a null perception verb whose projection constitutes part of an adjunct clause.

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On the Types and Functions of English Subordination including Smallest Small Clauses (영어 종속접속의 유형과 기능: 극소절을 포함하여)

  • Hong, Sungshim
    • The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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    • v.7 no.1
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    • pp.134-139
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    • 2021
  • This paper discusses the types and functions of English subordinate clauses, whether English subordinate clauses (SC) are headed by a Complementizer (CP) or headed by a lexical (but not functional) Preposition (PP). Furthermore, unlike the standard classification, the current paper provides a finer-grained analysis and classification of English SCs. The traditional or prescriptive view on the functions of English SCs includes Noun SC such as complement clauses, Adjectival SC including relative clauses, and Adverbial SCs that cover a garden variety of subordinators. Added to the existing classification of subordination in English is what I notate as Verbless subordinate clause (V-less SC). Of these 4 different types of subordinate clauses with different functions, properties, and distributions, Subjectless Verbless subordinate clause is further divided into Smallest small clause (SSC) which accounts for English subordination mechanism more uniformly and consistently with respect to their clausal architecture, especially when the subordinate clause is neither PP nor CP.

Korean Short Form Negation and Related Phenomena: A Lexicalist, Constraint-Based Analysis

  • Kim, Jong-Bok
    • Language and Information
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    • v.3 no.2
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    • pp.13-30
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    • 1999
  • There have been two opposing views on the structure of the so-called head internal relative construction(HIRC) in Korean/Japanese, i.e., a view that analyzes the HIRC categorially as a nominal projection and functionally as an argument(Kuroda 1992, Watanabe 1992, Hoshi 1996, Jhang 1991/1994, among others) vs. a view that analyzes the HIRC categorially as an adjunct clause and functionally as a non-argument(Murasugi 1994). This paper on the one hand points out several phenomena indicating that Murasugi's analysis is more viable, while on the other hand proposing a more complex structure than Murasugi's to account for other facts as well. The no/kes clause in the HIRC will be analyzed as the complement of a null perception verb whose projection constitutes part of an adjunct clause.

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A Semantics of Sequence of Tense without a Sequence-of-tense Rule

  • Song, Mean-Young
    • Language and Information
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    • v.4 no.2
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    • pp.93-105
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    • 2000
  • I argue in this paper that the sequence of tense (SOT) phenomenon can be accounted for without positing a SOT rule, focusing on the contrast between the past under-past sentences which lead to ambiguity and those sentences which do not. The different interpreta- tion of past under past sentences depends on whether the stative or then non-stative predicates occur in the complement clauses in the propositional attitude verbs. Based on this, I also argue that the embedded past tense does not contribute to the seman- tics past tense in the complement clause. Instead, it is due to the occurrence of the stative or non-stative predicates in the complement clauses. The stative predicates are associated with the temporal precedence or the overlap relation, whereas the non-stative predicates the precedence relation only. This fact triggers the contrast in past- under- past sentences.(Korea University)

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Two Types of Cleft Constructions in Korean: A Constraint-Based Approach

  • Kim, Jong-Bok
    • Language and Information
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    • v.12 no.1
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    • pp.85-103
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    • 2008
  • Like English, Korean employs several complicated types of cleft constructions. This paper deals with two main types of Korean cleft constructions: predicational and identificational. It first reviews the formal properties of these two types and then provides a constraint-based analysis that can be computationally implemented. In particular, the paper assumes two types of noun KES (one as a common noun and the other as a bound noun) and treats the argument-gapped cleft clause similar to relative clauses while treating the adjunct-gapped cleft clause as a noun-complement construction. The paper further shows that the cleft constructions are closely linked to the copula constructions, sharing many common properties while having their own constructional constraints.

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Do ″Transitive Adjectives″ Really Exist\ulcorner

  • Park, Byung-Soo
    • Proceedings of the Korean Society for Language and Information Conference
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    • 2002.02a
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    • pp.391-403
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    • 2002
  • I argue that the so-called psychological predicates like komapta ′thankful,′ mwusepta ′fearful,′ silhta ′loathsome,′ or kulipta ′missing′require a nominative subject and a locative or dative complement, challenging the claim, a conventional wisdom originated from Kuno(1973), that they are two-place "transitive adjectives" requiring a nominative direct object, I also show that those adjectives are subject to having the locative-dative complement extracted, which is ultimately realized as a focused subject or a topic. Thus, in this type of double nominative constructions, the first nominative is a focused subject, and the second nominative forms an embedded clause with the psychological predicate, which functions as the predicate of the whole sentence.

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The Complementizer That-Deletion in English

  • Kim, Yangsoon
    • International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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    • v.9 no.3
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    • pp.112-116
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    • 2021
  • The aim of this study is to analyze the complementizer that-deletion in embedded complement clauses in English. This paper is concerned with the alternation between the overt that-complementizer and the zero complementizer by the complementizer deletion (C-deletion or that-deletion) in constructions with a nominal complement that-clause, i.e. [VP Verb [CP that-TP]]. In this paper, we compare that-complementation and zero-complementation in a diachronic grammaticalization and corpus, and show that the complementizer that has its origin in pronouns diachronically and finally becomes to form a C-head of the functional category CP. We provide the syntactic and semantic explanation on the optionality of that-deletion while answering the question why and how that-deletion is getting increasing in use especially with the verb, think, in the informal contexts. With the major causes for the currently increasing use of that-deletion, we are concerned with the contexts in which the overt complementizers or the covert complementizers are preferred.

Why Are Sentential Subjects Not Allowed in Seem-type Verbs in English?

  • Jang, Youngjun
    • Journal of English Language & Literature
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    • v.55 no.6
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    • pp.1245-1261
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    • 2009
  • The purpose of this paper is to show the internal structure of the socalled sentential subject constructions in English. The constructions that we examine in this paper are such as It seems that John failed in the syntax exam vs. *That John failed in the syntax exam seems and It really stinks that the Giants lost the World Series vs. That the Giants lost the World Series really stinks. As seen above, the English verb seem does not tolerate the sentential subject. This is in sharp contrast to other English verbs such as suck, blow, bite, and stink, which do allow the sentential subject. There are several issues regarding these constructions. First, where is the sentential subject located? Second, is the sentential subject assigned structural Case? Third, is the sentential subject extraposed or does it remain in its base-generated complement position? Fourth, is the sentential subject a base-generated topic in the specifier position of CP, as Arlenga (2005) claims? In this paper, we argue that sentential subjects are base-generated in the specifier of the verbal phrase in case of stink-type verbs, while they are licensed as a complement to verbs like seem. We also argue that a sentential subject can be raised in the seem-type verbal constructions, if it were part of the complement small clause.

Linguistic Description and Theory

  • Nakajima, Heizo
    • Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics
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    • v.1 no.3
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    • pp.349-368
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    • 2001
  • We have brought up several distinct types of English clausal constructions, and have been lead to the descriptive generalization in (14),repeated here as (33): (33) Reduced clauses cannot occur in non-complement positions. The generalization in (33) refers to two theory-internal notions, reduced clauses and non-complement positions. Both notions are concerned with the composition of syntactic structures to be defined by X-bar theory. Without these theoretical notions, it would be difficult to describe in a general form the fact that certain types of complement clauses-namely, null-that clauses, if-clauses, Acc-ing gerund, ECM complement clauses, and Raising complement clauses-cannot occur in particular syntactic positions. Instead, one would have to describe this fact for each clause type, in such a way that null-that clauses cannot occur in such and such positions, and if-clauses cannot occur in such and such positions, and Acc-ing gerund cannot occur in such and such positions, and so on, although the positions in which they cannot occur are totally the same. Given the terminology of X-bar theory, however, it has turned out that these types of complement clauses are all reduced clauses, and the positions where they cannot occur are all non-complement positions. Then, the generalization has obtained that reduced clauses cannot occur in non-complement positions. It is a theoretical issue, and differs depending upon theories, how to explain why such a descriptive generalization holds at all. Hopefully, the demonstration here provides a piece of evidence showing that a theory or a particular theoretical nation plays an important role in the description of linguistic facts. Moreover, I have made a crucial prediction on the basis of the well-accepted theoretical assumption the ECM complement clauses and Raising complement clauses are reduced clauses; namely, the prediction that these types of clauses cannot occur in non-complement position. The prediction based upon the theoretical assumption is actually borne out, as illustrated earlier. The illustration of the prediction, I hope, shows that a theory or a particular theoretical assumption, coupled with another theoretical assumption, allows us to make some interesting predictions. Predictions serve to widen a range of linguistic facts to be described. A theory plays a crucial part in finding out interesting facts as well as in describing them in some general forms. Finally, let me state a few words as to the recent generative theory in connection with linguistic description. The recent generative theory is getting more and more abstract. I think it is moving toward a good direction as cognitive science. It will contribute, among others, to the inquiry into what is knowledge that is very specific to language faculty, and into how it interacts with other cognitive faculties. However, I am suspicious about how much the abstract generative theory will contribute to the description of linguistic facts in a particular language. While generative theory is claimed to aim both for descriptive adequacy and for explanatory adequacy, the recent generative theory is likely to put much more weight on explanatory adequacy. In my view, a less abstract theory is enough, or even more useful, for the purpose of linguistic description. Of course, how abstract theory one should adopt as a framework differs depending upon what aspect of language one attempts to describe. What I would like to emphasize here is that linguistic theory does not conflicts with linguistic description, and a linguistic theory with an appropriate degree of abstractness serves as a tool for finding out new interesting facts, as well as for describing them in some general, elegant forms.

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