• 제목/요약/키워드: comparison between Korean and Chinese

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한·중 대형마트 구매자 점포선택요인에 관한 비교연구 (A Study of the Effect of Store Selection factors on the Customer's Satisfaction and Revisit Intention)

  • 노정구;이지은;왕순순
    • 경영과정보연구
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    • 제33권5호
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    • pp.97-115
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    • 2014
  • 최근 한국과 중국의 대형마트시장의 경쟁이 치열해지면서 고객만족을 충족시키기 위해 점포속성, 제품속성, 서비스속성, 물리적 환경요인에 관한 연구가 이루어지고 있다. 이에 본 연구에서 한국과 중국 대형마트 구매자의 점포선택요인을 알아보고, 점포에 대한 고객만족과 재방문의도와의 영향관계를 분석하는 것을 목적으로 연구모형을 설계하였다. 또한 점포에 대한 중국과 한국의 고객만족과 재방문의도에 영향을 미치는 관계차이에 대해서도 알아보았다. 이에 따른 개념적 이해와 기존연구의 검토를 통해 가설을 설정하고 관련성 검증을 실시하였다. 실증분석을 위한 자료의 수집은 한국내 대형마트를 이용한 한국 소비자들과 중국내 대형마트를 이용한 중국인 소비자들 대상으로 자료를 수집하였으며 설정된 연구가설에 대해 구조방정식모형 분석을 통해 검증하였다.

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한성백제기(漢城百濟期) 완(盌)의 제작기법(製作技法)과 그 변천(變遷) - 서울경기권 출토유물을 중심으로 - (Producing Technique and the Transition of Wan(Bowl) of Hanseong Baekje Period - Focus in Seoul·Gyeonggi Area -)

  • 한지선
    • 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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    • 제44권4호
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    • pp.86-111
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    • 2011
  • 완(?)은 밥이나 국 반찬 등을 담는 배식기로, 음식문화에 있어서 개인식기의 발달을 보여주는 대표적인 기종이다. 대개 $0.3{\sim}0.4{\ell}$가 다수를 이루며 연질(軟質)소성의 정선된 태토를 사용한 완의 제작은 크게 회전판 위에 원형의 점토판을 놓고 그 위로 점토띠를 쌓아올려 성형을 마무리하는 기본 방식(I)과 기본 성형은 동일하나 최후 단계에서 회전판에서 완을 떼어내어 도치시켜 저부를 정면하여 평저의 각을 없애는 새로운 방식(II) 두 가지가 확인된다. 전자는 동체-저부 경계면의 각이 살아있는 특징을 공유하면서도 다수의 점토띠로 제작해 심도가 깊게 제작한 경우(Ia)와 2조의 점토띠로 제작하고 구순이 뾰족하게 제작한 것(Ib)의 두 가지로 다시 나뉜다. 후자는 동체-저부경계면의 각을 없앤다는 공통점이 있지만 바닥에 점토를 덧대어 나선형으로 마무리하는 것(IIa)과 바닥에서 동체부까지 한 번에 깎기나, 물손질로 마감하는 것(IIb)의 두 가지로 나뉜다. Ib식과 II식은 중국자기 완(천발형)의 형태적 영향하에 제작된다. 연판문 청자완의 도입 이후에는 굽이 있거나 없더라도 내면이 둥글고 오목한 잔(盞)형태의 완이 새롭게 제작 사용되어진다. 이렇듯 백제완은 중국제 청자완의 모방형태가 다수 확인되고 있는데 백제인들의 중국제 물품에 대한 관심과 수요가 컸음을 보여준다. 중국 출토 기년명 자료와의 비교, 공반유물의 나열 등을 통해 볼 때 각 제작기법은 I식에서 II식으로 다시 연판문 청자완의 영향하에 오목한 잔(盞)형태로의 변천 양상이 확인되었다.

중국의 사지서목에 대하여 -육사예문$\cdot$경적지의 분류 및 편목체재 비교를 중심으로- (On the Bibliographies of Chinese Historical Books - Classifying and cataloguing system of six historical bibliographies -)

  • 강순애
    • 한국문헌정보학회지
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    • 제24권
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    • pp.289-332
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    • 1993
  • In china, six bibliographies of offical historical books are evaluated at the most important things among the systematically-editing bibliographies. These bibliographies would be usful to study the orign of classical sciences and their development, bibliographic research of Chinese classics, bibliographic judgement on genuine books, titles, authors, volumes. They could be refered to research into graving, correcting, and existence of ancient books. therefore, these bibliographies would be applied to estimation the phase of scientific and cultural development. The study of these bibliographies has been not yet made in Korea. This thesis lays its importance on the background of their appearance, their classification norms, organizing system of their catalogue, and comparison between their difference. 1. Editing and compiling of Chilyak (칠약) by Liu Chin (유흠) and official histories played an important role of entering an apperance of historical book's bibliographies. Chilyak has been lost. However, its classification and compiling system of classical books would be traced by Hansoyemunji(한서예문지) of which basic system is similar to Chilyak. It classified books according to their scientific characteristic. If a few books didn't have their own categories, they were combined by the circles parallel to the books' characteristic. With the books classified under the same scientific characteristic, they were again divided into the scientific schools or structures. It also arranged the same kinds of books according to the chronology. The some books wi th duplicate subjects were classified multiplely by their duplicate subject. 2. Ssu-ma Chon's (사마천) The Historical Records (Saki, 사기) and Pan Ku's (반고) The History of the Former Han Dynasty (Hanso, 한서) has also took effects on appearance of historical books' bibliographies. Covering overall history, Saki was structured by the five parts: The basic annals(본기), the chronological tables (표), the documents (서), the hereditary houses (세가), biographies (열전). The basic annals dealt with kings and courts' affairs according to the chronology. The chronological tables was the records of the annals. The documents described overall the social and cultural systems. The hereditary houses recorded courts' meritorious officials and public figures. The biographies showed exemplars of seventy peoples selected by their social status. Pan Ku(반구)'s The History of the Former Han Dynasty(한서) deserved to be called the prototype for the offical histories after Saki's (사기; The Historical Records) apperance. Although it modelled on Saki, it had set up its own cataloguing system. It was organized by four parts; the basic annals (본기), the chronological tables (표), treatises(지), biographies (열전). The documents in the Hanso(한서) was converted into treatises(지). The hereditary houses and biographies were merged. For the first time, the treatise with The Yemunji could operate function for historical bibliographies. 3. There were six historical bibliographies: Hansoyemunji(한서예문지), Susokyongjeokji (수서경적지), Kudangsokyongjeokji(구당서경적지), Shindangsoyemunji (신당서예문지), Songsayemunji (송사예문지), Myongsayemunji (명사예문지). 1) Modelling on Liu Chin's Chilyak except Chipryak(집략), Hansoyemunji divided the characteristic of the books and documents into six parts: Yukrye(육예), Cheja(제자), Shibu(시부), Pyongsoh(병서), Susul(수술), Pangki(방기). Under six parts, there were thirty eight orders in Hansoyemunji. To its own classification, Hansoyemunji applied the Chilyak's theory of classification that the books or documents were managed according to characteristic of sciences, the difference of schools, the organization of sentences. However the overlapped subjects were deleted and unified into one. The books included into an unsuitable subject were corrected and converted into another. The Hansoyemunji consisted of main preface (Taesoh 대서), minor preface (Sosoh 소서) , the general preface (Chongso 총서). It also recorded the introduction of books and documents, the origin of sciences, the outline of subjects, and the establishment of orders. The books classified by the subject had title, author, and volumes. They were rearranged by titles and the chronological publication year. Sometimes author was the first access point to catalogue the books. If it was necessary for the books to take footnotes, detail notes were formed. The Volume number written consecutively to order and subject could clarify the quantity of books. 2) Refering to Classfication System by Seven Norms (칠분법) and Classification System by Four Norms(사분법), Susokyongjeokji(수서경적지) had accomplished the classification by four norms. In fact, its classification largely imitated Wanhyosoh(완효서)'s Chilrok(칠록), Susokyongjeokji's system of classification consisted of four parts-Kyung(경), Sa(사), Cha(자), Chip(칩). The four parts were divided into 40 orders. Its appendix was again divided into two parts, Buddihism and Taiosm. Under the two parts there were fifteen orders. Totally Susokyongjeokji was made of six parts and fifty five orders. In comparison with Hansoyemunji(한서예문지), it clearly showed the conception of Kyung, Sa, Cha, Chip. Especially it deserved to be paid attention that Hansoyemunji laied history off Chunchu(춘추) and removed history to Sabu(사부). However Chabu(사부) put many contrary subjects such as Cheja(제자), Kiye(기예), Sulsu(술수), Sosol(소설) into the same boundary, which committed errors insufficient theoretical basis. Anothor demerit of Susokyongjeokji was that it dealt with Taiosm scriptures and Buddism scriptures at the appendix because they were considered as quasi-religion. Its compilation of bibliographical facts consisted of main preface(Taesoh 대서), minor preface(Sosoh 소서), general preface (Chongsoh 총서), postscript (Husoh 후서). Its bibliological facts mainly focused on the titles. Its recorded authors' birth date and their position. It wrote the lost and existence of books consecutive to total number of books, which revealed total of the lost books in Su Dynasty. 3) Modelling on the basis of Kokumsorok(고분서록) and Naewaekyongrok(내외경록), Kudangsokyongjeokji(구당서경적지) had four parts and fourty five orders. It was estimated as the important role of establishing basic frame of classification by four norms in classification theory's history. However it had also its own limit. Editing and compling orders of Kudangsokyongjeokji had been not progressively changed. Its orders imitated by and large Susokyongjeokji. In Its system of organizing catalogue, with its minor preface and general preface deleting, Kudangsokyongjeokji by titles after orders sometimes broke out confusion because of unclear boundaries between orders. 4) Shindangsoyemunji(신당서예문지), adding 28,469 books to Kudangsokyongjeokji, recorded 82,384 books which were divided by four parts and fourty four orders. In comparison with Kudangkyongjeokj, Sindangsoyemunji corrected unclear order's norm. It merged the analogical norms four orders (for instance, Kohun 고훈 and Sohakryu 소학류) and seperated the different norms four orders (for example, Hyokyong 효경 and Noneuhryu 논어류, Chamwi 참위 and Kyonghaeryu 경해류, Pyonryon 편년 and Wisaryu 위사류). Recording kings' behaviors and speeches (Kikochuryu 기거주류) in the historical parts induced the concept of specfication category. For the first time, part of Chipbu (집부) set up the order of classification norm for historical and literatural books and documents (Munsaryu 문사류). Its editing and compiling had been more simplified than Kudangsokyongjeokji. Introduction was written at first part of bibliographies. Appendants except bibliographic items such subject, author, title, volume number, total were omitted. 5) Songsayemunji(송사예문지) were edited in the basis of combining Puksong(북송) and Namsong(남송), depending on Sabukuksayemunji(사부국사예문지). Generally Songsayemunji had lost a lot of bibliographical facts of many books. They were duplicated and wrongly classified books because it committed an error of the incorrectly annalistic editing. Particularly Namsong showed more open these defaults. Songsayemunji didin't include the books published since the king Youngchong(영종). Its system of classification was more better controlled. Chamwiryu(참위류) in the part of Kyongbu(경부) was omitted. In the part of history(Sabu 사부), recordings of kings' behaviors and speeches more merged in the annals. Historical abstract documents (Sachoryu 사초류) were seperately arranged. In the part of Chabu(자부), Myongdangkyongmaekryu(명당경맥류) and Euisulryu(의술류) were combined. Ohangryu(오행류) were laied off Shikuryu(시구류). In the part of Chipbu(집부), historical and literatural books (Munsaryu 문사류) were independentely arranged. There were the renamed orders; from Wisa(위사) to Paesa(패사), Chapsa (잡사) to Pyolsa(열사), Chapchonki(잡전기) to Chonki(전기), Ryusoh(류서) to Ryusa(류서). Introduction had only main preface. The books of each subject catalogued by title, the volume number, and author and arranged mainly by authors. Annotations were written consecutively after title and the volume number. In the afternote the number of not-treated books were revealed. Difference from Singdangsohyemunji(신당서예문지) were that the concept and boundary of orders became more clearer. It also wrote the number of books consecutive to main subject. 6) Modelling on Chonkyongdangsomok (경당서목), Myongsayemunji(명사예문지) was compiled in the basis of books and documents published in the Ming Danasty. In classification system, Myongsayemunji partly merged and the seperated some orders for it. It also deleted and renamed some of orders. In case of necessity, combining of orders' norm was occured particulary in the part of Sabu(사부) and Chabu(자부). Therefore these merging of orders norm didn't offer sufficient theretical background. For example, such demerits were seen in the case that historical books edited by annals were combined with offical historical ones which were differently compiled and edited from the former. In the part of Chabu(자부), it broke out another confusion that Pubga(법가), Meongga(명가), Mukga(묵가), Chonghweongka's(종횡가) thoughts were classified in the Chapka(잡가). Scriptures of Taiosim and Buddhism were seperated from each other. There were some deleted books such as Mokrokryu(목록류), Paesaryu(패사류) in the part of history (Sabu 사부) and Chosaryu(초사류) in the part of Chipbu(집부). The some in the each orders had been renamed. Imitating compiling system of Songsayemunji(송사예문지), with reffering to its differ-ence, Myongsayemunji(명사예문지) wrote the review and the change of the books by author. The number of not-treated books didn't appear at the total. It also deleted the total following main subject.

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메타프론티어 DEA모형과 정수계획모형을 이용한 항만클러스터링 측정에 대한 실증적 비교 및 검증연구 (An Empirical Comparison and Verification Study on the Seaport Clustering Measurement Using Meta-Frontier DEA and Integer Programming Models)

  • 박노경
    • 한국항만경제학회지
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    • 제33권2호
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    • pp.53-82
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    • 2017
  • 본 논문에서는 메타프론티어 DEA모형과 정수계획모형으로, 아시아 38개 컨테이너항만들의 10년간(2005-2014) 자료를 4개의 투입요소(선석길이, 수심, 총면적, 크레인 수), 1개의 산출요소(컨테이너화물처리량)를 이용하여 국내항만(부산, 인천, 광양항)들이 어떤 항만들과 클러스터링 해야만 하는지에 대한 측정방법을 실증적으로 보여 주고 비교, 분석, 검증하였다. 실증분석의 주요한 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 2005년부터 2014년까지 전체자료를 이용한 메타프론티어 DEA효율성 측정의 주요한 결과를 살펴보면, 중국항만들의 메타효율성과 그룹효율성이 높게 나타났으며, 순위는 상해, 홍콩, 닝보, 칭타오, 광저우 순서였으며, 국내항만은 부산, 인천, 광양항의 순서였다. 둘째, 정수계획모형에 의한 국내항만들의 클러스터링을 살펴보면 (1)부산항은 두바이, 홍콩, 상해, 광저우, 닝보, 칭타오, 싱가포르, 카오슝 항과 클러스터링하고, (2)인천항과 광양항은 사히드 라자이, 하이파, 크호르 파칸, 탄중 퍼락, 오오사카, 키룽, 방콕 항과 클러스터링 하는 것이 좋은 것으로 나타났다. 셋째, 정수계획모형을 통한 클러스터링이 메타프론티어 DEA모형의 그룹효율성을 부산항을 제외하고 인천항은 401.84%, 광양항은 354.25%만큼 대폭적으로 상승시켰다. 넷째, 효율성 순위를 검정한 윌콕슨부호순위검정에서는 두 가지 모형[메타프론티어 DEA모형과 정수계획모형에 의한 클러스터링 전과 후의 그룹효율성(57.88%), 기술 갭 효율성(80.93%)]사이에 순위에 차이가 없는 것으로 나타났다. 본 논문이 갖는 정책적인 함의는 첫째, 항만정책입안자들이 본 연구에서 사용한 두 가지 모형을 항만의 클러스터링 정책에 도입하여 해당항만이 발전할 수 있는 전략을 수립하고 이행해 나가야만 한다는 점이다. 둘째, 본 논문의 실증분석결과 국내항만들의 참조항만, 클러스터링항만들로서 나타난 아시아항만들에 대하여, 그들 항만들의 항만개발, 운영에 대한 내용을 정밀하게 분석하고 도입하여 실시하는 것이 필요하다.

베트남 내 기업 CSR활동에 대한 사회인식 지역비교 : 북부 하노이와 남부 호치민을 중심으로 (A Difference of Social Awareness between Northern and Southern Vietnam for Corporate Social Responsibility Activities)

  • 정혜영;? 티투이
    • 동남아시아연구
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    • 제28권3호
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    • pp.159-212
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    • 2018
  • 본 논문은 빠르게 변화하는 베트남 기업의 사회 환경을 분석하기 위한 작업으로, CSR에 대한 베트남 현지 인식변화와 지역인식 차이 연구에 초점을 맞추었다. CSR의 사회적 수용성 연구는 베트남에 많은 투자를 하고 사회적 영향력을 행사하는 한국기업, 일본기업 및 중국기업 비교분석을 중심으로 하였다. 또한 한국기업의 CSR활동 과제와 방향을 점검하여, 한국기업의 지속가능한 발전 모색 및 베트남 사회와 기업이 조화로운 협력을 하는데 기여하고자 하였다. 아울러 문헌연구로 얻은 베트남 사회의 CSR 가치발전 연구와 실증조사로 얻은 사회책임 가치관 분석 결과를 연계하여 베트남 사회가 지향하고자 하는 사회책임 가치와 향후 그 발전방향을 조망하였다. 베트남의 CSR을 이해할 때, 지역성(locality)에 기초하여 북부와 남부를 각기 다른 공통지식과 환경을 공유하는 사회로 분류하여 이해할 경우, 각 지역은 고유의 배경요인에 의거해 CSR 사회인식을 분석할 수 있다. 연구분석 결과, 북부에서는 외국기업의 CSR을 기업 경제수입과 분배의 관점에서 바라보고자 하는 경향이 있는 것으로 나타났으며, 남부에서는 마케팅 활동으로 이해 하고자 하는 경향이 강한 것으로 나타났다. 전반적으로 북부 하노이에서는 '고용개선'과 '근로자의 노동환경 개선'과 관련된 항목에서 기대감이 존재하는 것으로 나타났으며, 남부에서는 '거주민의 삶의 질' 개선과 '소비자 보호' 관련 항목에 관심을 보이고 있었다. 이는 두 지역의 상이한 식민화, 근대화, 공산화 과정에서 경험한 경제시스템 영향이 작용하였기 때문이며, 시장경제 도입 이후에도 서로 다른 경제발전의 속도와 경제 환경에 의하여 형성된 지역성이 작용한 것으로 판단된다. 특히 CSR가치에 대한 사회적 수용성은 북부와 남부에서 약간의 인식차이를 보이긴 하였지만, 두지역이 공통적으로 '정부의 역할 개입'을 희망하는 것으로 나타남에 따라, 베트남의 CSR은 공동체주의(Communitarianism)적 관점 안에서 형성된 '정부-사회' 관계를 기반으로 하고 있는 것으로 분석되었다. 이와 더불어, 해외기업의 투자유입이 늘어날수록 현지정부와 이해관계자들의 CSR에 대한 기대와 인식문제는 더욱 복잡해지는 양상이다. 기업고용과 노동문제, 생활환경개선에 대한 문제는 베트남 사회의 최대관심사로 떠올랐다. 우리기업들의 사회책임 활동과 관계하여, 베트남 사회의 지역성(locality)과 니즈(needs)대한 점검이 필요한 때이다.

17세기 이후 동아시아 제와(製瓦)의 기술문화적 인과성 (A Study on the Causality of Technology Culture of East Asian Roof Tile Making Technology Since the 17th Century)

  • 김하진
    • 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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    • 제52권3호
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    • pp.56-73
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    • 2019
  • 본 논문은 동아시아 지역의 기와 제작 기술을 관찰함으로써 기술 양식에 대한 본격적인 논의의 필요성을 제시하려는 목적에서 작성되었다. 연구 방법은 기존의 주된 연구 자료인 발굴 성과와 그에 따른 연구방법론인 제작 흔적 분석뿐만 아니라 문헌과 전승 기술 등을 함께 살피려 노력했다. 공정 단위마다 지역별 유사성으로 기술의 권역을 설정하는 작업을 통해 도구, 공정, 인원 편성 등 기술적 요인을 중심으로 접근했다. 따라서 본고는 선행 연구 성과 토대 위에서 기술양식의 파악이 형태뿐만 아니라 문화 교류에 따른 기술의 인과성을 파악할 텍스트로서 작용 가능한지를 논증하는 실험이며, 이러한 논의를 추동하기 위한 시론(始論)이라 할 수 있다. 한국과 중국, 일본 세 나라의 기술 보유 지역을 네 개로 나누어 기와 제작 도구 및 공정을 분석하였다. 토형제작-기와성형-건정 세 공정을 주된 분석 대상으로 삼았으며 한국을 중심으로 주변 지역을 살펴보는 방식으로 진행하였다. 표면적인 현상으로는 양자강 이남과 오키나와가, 한반도 남방과 혼슈 지방이 유사한 기술의 맥을 공유하고 있었다. 그러나 제작 도구와 그에 따른 세부 공정을 유물, 교류관계와 함께 관찰하였을 때, 기와 제작 기술은 지역마다의 특수성만으로 구분할 수 있는 것이 아니었다. 공정별 세부 기법과 인원 편성 관찰은 공정 단위마다 다양한 권역 설정을 가능하게 했으며, 각 권역의 특색이 나타나는 원인과 그에 따른 결과를 추정할 단서를 제공했다. 이를 통해 각 지역의 기술적 특징을 상호 비교하고 그에 대한 원인 규명을 시도하였다. '편절 기법'은 지역이 보유한 기법에 따라서 권역은 구분되었지만, 규구준승(規矩準繩)에 따른 건축 기술에 기반한 기법이었다. 특히 타 지역들과는 다르게 중국을 중심으로 한 중 일만이 공유하던 특수하고도 고유한 제작 기법이었던 것으로 파악되었다. 또한 '타날 기법'은 기술이 전파되고 토착화되면서 다양한 방식으로 분화되는 양상을 드러냈다. 이러한 변화 양상은 기술의 문화적 다변성과 보수성을 관찰할 수 있는 기회가 되었다.

고려재조대장목록고 (A study on the second edition of Koryo Dae-Jang-Mock-Lock)

  • 정필모
    • 한국문헌정보학회지
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    • 제17권
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    • pp.11-47
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    • 1989
  • This study intends to examine the background and the procedure of the carving of the tablets of the second edition of Dae-Jang-Mock­Lock(재조대장목록). the time and the route of the moving of the tablets. into Haein-sa, and the contents and the system of it. This study is mainly based on the second edition of Dae-Jang-Mock-Lock. But the other closely related materials such as restored first. edition of the Dae- Jang-Mock-Lock, Koryo Sin-Jo-Dae-Jang-Byeol-Lock (고려신조대장교정별록). Kae-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock (개원석교록). Sok-Kae­Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock (속개원석교록). Jeong-Won-Sin-Jeong-Seok-Kyo­Lock(정원신정석교록), Sok-Jeong-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock(속정원석교록), Dea-Jung-Sang-Bu-Beob-Bo-Lock(대중상부법보록), and Kyeong-Woo-Sin-Su-Beob-Bo-Lock(경우신수법보록), are also analysed and closely examined. The results of this study can be summarized as follows: 1. The second edition of Tripitaka Koreana(고려대장경) was carved for the purpose of defending the country from Mongolia with the power of Buddhism, after the tablets of the first edition in Buin-sa(부이사) was destroyed by fire. 2. In 1236. Dae-Jang-Do-Gam(대장도감) was established, and the preparation for the recarving of the tablets such as comparison between the content, of the first edition of Tripitalk Koreana, Gal-Bo-Chik-Pan-Dae­Jang-Kyeong and Kitan Dae- Jang-Kyeong, transcription of the original copy and the preparation of the wood, etc. was started. 3. In 1237 after the announcement of Dae-Jang-Gyeong-Gak-Pan-Gun­Sin-Gi-Go-Mun(대장경핵판군신석고문), the carving was started on a full scale. And seven years later (1243), Bun-Sa-Dae-Jang-Do-Gam(분사대장도감) was established in the area of the South to expand and hasten the work. And a large number of the tablets were carved in there. 4. It took 16 years to carve the main text and the supplements of the second edition of Tripitaka Koreana, the main text being carved from 1237 to 1248 and the supplement from 1244 to 1251. 5. It can be supposed that the tablets of the second edition of Tripitaka Koreana, stored in Seon-Won-Sa(선원사), Kang-Wha(강화), for about 140 years, was moved to Ji-Cheon-Sa(지천사), Yong-San(용산), and to Hae-In-Sa(해인사) again, through the west and the south sea and Jang-Gyeong-Po(장경포), Go-Ryeong(고령), in the autumn of the same year. 6. The second edition of Tripitaka Koreana was carved mainly based on the first edition, comparing with Gae-Bo-Chik-Pan-Dae-Jang-Kyeong(개보판대장경) and Kitan Dae-Jang-Kyeong(계단대장경). And the second edition of Dae-Jang-Mock-Lock also compiled mainly based on the first edition with the reference to Kae-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock and Sok-Jeong-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock. 7. Comparing with the first edition of Dae-Jang-Mock-Lock, in the second edition 7 items of 9 volumes of Kitan text such as Weol-Deung­Sam-Mae-Gyeong-Ron(월증삼매경론) are added and 3 items of 60 volumes such as Dae-Jong-Ji-Hyeon-Mun-Ron(대종지현문논) are substituted into others from Cheon chest(천함) to Kaeng chest(경함), and 92 items of 601 volumes such as Beob-Won-Ju-Rim-Jeon(법원주임전) are added after Kaeng chest. And 4 items of 50 volumes such as Yuk-Ja-Sin-Ju-Wang-Kyeong(육자신주왕경) are ommitted in the second edition. 8. Comparing with Kae-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock, Cheon chest to Young chest (영함) of the second edition is compiled according to Ib-Jang-Lock(입장록) of Kae-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock. But 15 items of 43 vol­umes such as Bul-Seol-Ban-Ju-Sam-Mae-Kyeong(불설반주삼매경) are ;added and 7 items of 35 volumes such as Dae-Bang-Deung-Dae-Jib-Il­Jang-Kyeong(대방등대집일장경) are ommitted. 9. Comparing with Sok-Jeong-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock, 3 items of the 47 volumes (or 49 volumes) are ommitted and 4 items of 96 volumes are ;added in Caek chest(책함) to Mil chest(밀함) of the second edition. But the items are arranged in the same order. 10. Comparing with Dae- Jung-Sang-Bo-Beob-Bo-Lock, the arrangement of the second edition is entirely different from it. But 170 items of 329 volumes are also included in Doo chest(두함) to Kyeong chest(경함) of the second edition, and 53 items of 125 volumes in Jun chest(존함) to Jeong chest(정함). And 10 items of 108 volumes in the last part of Dae-Jung-Sang-Bo-Beob-Bo-Lock are ommitted and 3 items of 131 volumes such as Beob-Won-Ju-Rim-Jeon(법원주임전) are added in the second edition. 11. Comparing with Kyeong-Woo-Sin-Su-Beob-Bo-Lock, all of the items (21 items of 161 volumes) are included in the second edition without ;any classificatory system. And 22 items of 172 volumes in the Seong­Hyeon-Jib-Jeon(성현집전) part such as Myo-Gak-Bi-Cheon(묘각비전) are ommitted. 12. The last part of the second edition, Joo chest(주함) to Dong chest (동함), includes 14 items of 237 volumes. But these items cannot be found in any other former Buddhist catalog. So it might be supposed as the Kitan texts. 13. Besides including almost all items in Kae-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock and all items in Sok-Jeong-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock, Dae-Jung-Sang-Bo­Beob-Bo-Lock, and Kyeong-Woo-Sin-Su-Beob-Bo-Lock, the second edition of Dae-Jang-Mock-Lock includes more items, at least 20 items of about 300 volumes of Kitan Tripitaka and 15 items of 43 volumes of traditional Korean Tripitake that cannot be found any others. Therefore, Tripitaka Koreana can be said as a comprehensive Tripitaka covering all items of Tripitakas translated in Chinese character.

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고려시대 쌍룡문경(雙龍紋鏡) 유입(流入)과 독자성(獨自性) (Inflow at Ssangyongmun Gate During the Goryeo Dynasty and Its Identity)

  • 최주연
    • 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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    • 제52권2호
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    • pp.142-171
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    • 2019
  • 용(龍)은 동서양 전설 신화에 등장하는 상상 속 동물이다. 서양의 용은 대부분 공격적이고 부정적 의미로 표현되지만, 동양에서는 황제를 상징하거나 상서로운 의미를 갖고 있어 긍정적 의미를 내포한다. 또한 용은 물을 다스리는 신물(神物)로 여겨져 그 종류가 다양해지고 이를 형상으로 표현하고자 했다. 고려시대 용과 관련된 기록은 "고려사"에서 다양한 주제로 등장하며, 크게 건국설화 기우제 신이(神異) 등과 관련되어 있다. 건국설화는 용을 통해 고려 왕권의 당위성을 강조하기 위한 것으로 '왕(王)=용손(龍孫)'이라는 '용손의식(龍孫意識)' 형성에 영향을 끼친다. 또한 용의 특징인 물을 다스리는 능력은 가뭄에 비를 바라는 기우제와 관련한 토용(土龍)으로 상징화된다. 이와 같은 용의 다양한 성격 중 용이 왕실의 상징이기에 용문(龍紋)의 사용은 민간에서 엄격히 제한되었으며, 용을 소재로 한 용문경(龍紋鏡) 역시 그 제작 사용에 있어 왕실과의 연관성을 배제하기 어렵다. 고려시대 쌍룡문경(雙龍紋鏡)은 종류 수량이 많은 편으로 중국에서 유입된 동경(銅鏡)과 함께 국내에서 제작한 쌍룡문경이 혼재하면서 고려시대 쌍룡문경의 제작과 유통은 다른 동경에 비해 활발했던 것으로 보인다. 이에 대해 본고에서는 10~14세기 중국에 존재한 다양한 쌍룡문경의 특징을 정리했다. 고려의 장인들은 쌍룡문경을 제작할 때 중국 쌍룡문경의 문양 구성에서 큰 영향을 받은 것으로 보인다. 이는 중국 쌍룡문경과 국적을 판별하기 어려운 예가 많으며, 그 차이 또한 면밀한 분석을 요하기 때문이다. 하지만 고려는 유입된 쌍룡문경을 그대로 답습했던 것은 아니며, 자체적으로 제작하고자 했음을 국내 현존하는 쌍룡문경의 유형 분류를 통해 살펴보았다. 세 가지 유형으로 나뉘는 쌍룡문경은 요대(遼代) 동경 계열인 I 유형이 가장 큰 비중을 차지하며, 그 외 II III 유형에서는 수량은 적으나 문양 구성이 독특한 쌍룡문경이 있어 고려에서 제작한 쌍룡문경으로 분석했다. 고려시대 쌍룡문경은 중국의 영향 하에서 제작된 만큼 고려에서 제작한 동경과의 구분이 어렵다는 점을 앞서 언급했다. 이중 평창 월정사 구층석탑에서 발견된 쌍룡문경은 그 제작지에 대한 의문점이 있으며, 동경의 문양 구성도 중국 쌍룡문경에서 찾아볼 수 없는 예이기에 이 동경에 대한 제작지를 검토했다. 이 쌍룡문경은 I 유형에 속하는 동경의 문양 구성을 갖추고 있으면서도 세부 문양의 조합이 중국에서 찾기 힘든 예라는 점에서 요대 동경의 문양 구성을 차용하여 고려에서 제작된 것임을 알 수 있었다.

일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구 (A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan)

  • 박현국;김기욱
    • 대한한의학원전학회지
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    • 제20권4호
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    • pp.211-250
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    • 2007
  • 1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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