• International Journal of Costume and Fashion
• /
• v.11 no.1
• /
• pp.15-33
• /
• 2011

The late $19^{th}$ and early $20^{th}$ centuries of Korea were the times when the Confucianism (牲理學) ideology was shaken heavily under the influences of modernism and capitalism by Western and Japanese military and political-economic forces. Under such circumstances, alteration of clothing was much influenced by ideologies than changes in social structure or technological advance. In this study, an ideology was defined as "the force which drives people into a particular social order". Ideologies were postulated as an ongoing process of socialization with dialectic features rather than being a static state. Comparative analyses on conflict structures and different clothing patterns symbolizing the ideologies of the Ruling (支配) and the Opposition (對抗) were conducted. Investigating dresses as representations of ideologies is to reconsider the notion of dichotomous confrontation between the conservatives (守舊派) and the progressives (開化派) and a recognition of Koreans' passively accepting modernity during the Japanese occupation. This may also have contributed to enlightening Koreans about modernization. Here are the results. First, the theoretical review found that ideologies were represented by not only symbols of discourse, but also dresses, and that dresses embodied both physical and conceptual systems presenting differences between ideologies and their natures, Second, during the late 19th century Korea, conflict between conservatives' Hanbok (韓服) and progressives' Western suits (洋服) was found. Moderate progressives showed their identity by "Colored Clothing" (深色衣), and radical progressives by black suits with short hair (黑衣斷髮) or by western suits (洋服). The ultimate goal of both parties was a "Modern Nation". With these efforts, pale jade green coats and traditional hats symbolizing the nobleman class was eliminated within 30 years from 1880 to 1910, and then simple robes and short hair emerged. However, the powerful Japanese army had taken over the hegemony of East Asia, and Korea was sharply divided into modernization and pro-Japanese camps. Third, during the time of Japanese colonial rule, the dress codes having set by the modernization policies during the time of enlightenment were abandoned and colonial uniforms for the colonial system was meticulously introduced. During this period, Western or Japanese-style uniforms were the symbol of the ruling ideology. In the mean time, Hanbok, particularly "White Clothing (白衣)", emerged as a representation of the opposition ideology. However, due to Japan's coercive power and strong zeal for "Great orient (大東亞)", white clothing remained as a mere symbol. Meanwhile, Reformists (實力養成論者) movement toward improving quality of life followed a similar path of the Japanese policies and was eventually incorporated into the ruling ideology. Fourth, dresses as representations of ruling ideologies were enforced by organizational powers, such as organizations and laws, and binding policies, and changes in such dresses were more significant when the ruling ideologies were stronger. Clothing of the opposition ideology was expressed as an aggregation of public consciousness. During the period, the subjects of ruling ideology and the objects who were granted modernization benefits were different although their drives for colored clothing with short hair (色衣斷髮) for modernization were similar.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
• /
• v.5 no.2 s.10
• /
• pp.69-95
• /
• 2005

Eunsa Memorial Science Museum is a political space to justify ruling colony. Japanese imperialism made use of science museum in ruling colony under the cloak of propagating science thoughts. The science museums made it natural to rule the inferior Joseon(Korea) by bring the concept of 'Great Science Empire' into relief. The exhibition, lecture, experiment and science movies propagated those colonial ruling ideology. This transplantation of the colonial science museumraised the following problems. First, the science museum was used as means for the propagation of political power. All the aspects of the architecture, exhibition, and operation of the colonial science museum propagated and supported the direction of political authority, and furthermore planted a rosy phantasm of 'Development' and 'Progression' into the colony. Second, The science technology of science museum was treated as 'Result' and 'Instrument'. Japanese imperialism denied that the science is a historical and cultural staple product; it instilled only the 'Instrumental Rationality' in the colony. Third, the science technology dealt in the colonial science museum was below the level. What they educated and set forth as domestic science was to cultivate the laborers people for the political power by internalizing modernistic discipline.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.18 no.5
• /
• pp.292-302
• /
• 2018

This article examines how India's major colonial cities-Madras, Calcutta, Bombay (today, Chennai, Kolkata, Mumbai) and New Delhi- are described in India's history textbooks and analyzed them from the perspective of Indians. It is explained the major colonial cities as the process of making the cities and their political, social, economic and cultural changes, the separation between British and Indian, urban planning, colonial architectures built by British colonial power in Indian history textbooks. The viewpoint of its descriptions is featured by the coexistence of 'deprivation, exclusion, discrimination, resistance, challenge' and 'grant of opportunity, acceptation, absorption'. That is, this characteristic maintains a mutual confrontational and inseparable relation. And in a multi-layer, it enables to consider the inherent characteristics of a colonial city reflecting the British ruling ideology and the society within which the rulers and proprietors are forming without simplifying the cultural characteristics. It is clear that there was a resistance against the unreasonable discrimination and exclusion that had been suffered by the British colonial government as well.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
• /
• no.4
• /
• pp.145-180
• /
• 2006

In Korea, nation and nationalism are undeniable justice, absolute virtue and moreover system of desire. From the late Chosun Dynasty when the Korean Peninsula had to survive from the critical situation of being the arena of competition, and through the colonial period under Japanese imperialism, nationalism became stronger as a logic of survival. The policy of seclusion under closed and exclusive nationalism that didn't recognize the world situation well enough, eventually gave more pain to the nation. Nationalism in colonial Korea which was as reformed nationalism and on the other hand, as intransigent, resisting nationalism. Since the purpose of this writing is not for clarifying the argument raised on Korean nationalism, there is no use mentioning how it went with the change of time. But we have to focus on the fact that the word 'nation' which appeared under the influence of popular revolution and capitalism meaning 'a group of people', was translated and understood as a racial concept for strengthening the unity of 'single-race nation with five thousand years' history. First of all, there is nationalism used to fortify the system. 'The Charter of National Education' and 'The Pledge of Allegiance' were ornaments to intensify the ruling ideology and dictatorship to militarize entire South Korea for 'settling Korean democracy' professed nationalism. Also, another ruling ideology armed with 'self-reliance' put North Korea into the state of hypnosis called nationalism. Nationalism, claiming 'nation' outwardly, but in reality, being an illuminating, instructing ideology isolating each other was indeed a body with two faces. This made 'nation' in Korea mysterious and objective through work such as. The statue commemorating patriotic forefathers' and picture of national records' in South Korea art. Nationalism used to strengthening the system encountered the magical 'single-race' and made 'ghost' being an extreme exclusion to other nations. We can find pedigreed pureness not allowing any mixed breeds from the attitude accepting western art -via Japan or directly- and making it vague by using the word Korean and Asia. There's nationalism as a resistant ideology to solidify the system on the other side. It came out as a way of survival among the Great Power and grew with the task of national liberation to became as a powerful force facing against the dictatorship dominating South Korea after the liberation. This discussion of nationalism as a resistance ideology was active in 1980s. In 1980, democracy movement against the dictatorship of 5th Republic originated from military power which came out suppressing the democratic movement in Gwangju, spread out from the intellects and the students to the labors, farmers and the civilians. It is well known that the 'Nation-People(Minjoong)'s Art Movement could come out under this social condition. Our attitude toward nationalism is still dual in this opening part of 21st century. On one hand, they are opposing to the ultra-nationalism but are not able to separate it from nationalism, and on the other, they have much confusion using it. In fact, in a single-race nation like Korea, the situation of being nationalism and jus sanguinis together can cause dual nationalism. Though nationalism is included in the globalization order, it is evidence that it's effective in Korea where there are still modern fetters like division and separation. In particular, in the world where Japan makes East Asia Coalition but exposed in front of nationalism, and China not being free from Sinocentrism, and American nationalism taking the world order, and Russia fortifying nationalism suppressing the minority race after the dissolution of socialism, Korean nationalism is at the point to find an alternative plan superior to the ruling and resisting ideology.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.15 no.2
• /
• pp.101-113
• /
• 1987

The landscape structure of the both pre-industrial and industrial cities should be influenced to the topographical feature , religious thoughts, political ruling system and history. In the major socio-cultural factors in the pre-industrial townscapes in korea, the Feng - Shui(poongsu) which is an acient human settlement organization system based on the “Yin - Yang” principle and “Five Elements” and “Chryaegogong”system were the most important factors to the formation of traditional town scape in Korea. The landscape during the Japanese colonial periods were basically reorganized through change of “Boundary”, “Center” “Direction(path)” and “Domain” which were expressed by distinct traditional townscape in Yi dynasty. The physical shapes, meanings and behaviors of townscape were expressed properly of the intention of the colonization. As changes to the mordern industrial cities, the townscape had been amended landscape elements of the Japanese imperialism to an ideology of rebirth nation. Also as changes to the modern industrial cities, “Boundary”, “Center”, and “Domain” spreaded into the suburbs by funtionalsm and these were expressed an incoherent value system which were the advancement of growth, pursuit policies as well as an advancement of science techniques.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.53 no.4
• /
• pp.60-77
• /
• 2020

An assumption can be made that, as a start point for the recognition and utilization of cultural heritage, the "choice" of such would reflect the cultural ideology of the ruling power at that time. This has finally been proved by the case of Korea in the 20th century. First, in the late Korean Empire (1901-1910), the prevailing cultural ideology had been inherited from the Joseon Dynasty. The main objects that the Joseon Dynasty tried to protect were royal tombs and archives. During this time, an investigation by the Japanese into Korean historic sites began in earnest. Stung by this, enlightened intellectuals attempted to recognize them as constituting independent cultural heritage, but these attempts failed to be institutionalized. During the 1910-1945 Japanese occupation, the Japanese led investigations to institutionalize Korean cultural heritage, which formed the beginning of the current cultural heritage management system. At that time, the historical investigation, designation, protection, and enhancement activities led by the Japanese Government-General of Korea not only rationalized their colonial occupation of Korea but also illustrated their colonial perspective. Korean nationalists processed the campaign for the love of historical remains on an enlightening level, but they had their limits in that the campaign had been based on the outcome of research planned by the Japanese. During the 1945-2000 period following liberation from Japan, cultural heritage restoration projects took places that were based on nationalist ideology. People intended to consolidate the regime's legitimacy through these projects, and the enactment of the 'Cultural Heritage Charter' in 1997 represented an ideology in itself that stretched beyond a means of promoting nationalist ideology. During the past 20 centuries, cultural heritage content changed depending on the whims of those with political power. Such choices reflected the cultural ideology that the powers at any given time held with regard to cultural heritage. In the background of this cultural heritage choice mechanism, there have been working trade-off relationships formed between terminology and society, as well as the ideological characteristics of collective memories. The ruling party has tried to implant their ideology on their subjects, and we could consider that it wanted to achieve this by being involved in collective memories related to traditional culture, so called-choice, and utilization of cultural heritage.