• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.5 no.2 s.10
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• pp.69-95
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• 2005

Eunsa Memorial Science Museum is a political space to justify ruling colony. Japanese imperialism made use of science museum in ruling colony under the cloak of propagating science thoughts. The science museums made it natural to rule the inferior Joseon(Korea) by bring the concept of 'Great Science Empire' into relief. The exhibition, lecture, experiment and science movies propagated those colonial ruling ideology. This transplantation of the colonial science museumraised the following problems. First, the science museum was used as means for the propagation of political power. All the aspects of the architecture, exhibition, and operation of the colonial science museum propagated and supported the direction of political authority, and furthermore planted a rosy phantasm of 'Development' and 'Progression' into the colony. Second, The science technology of science museum was treated as 'Result' and 'Instrument'. Japanese imperialism denied that the science is a historical and cultural staple product; it instilled only the 'Instrumental Rationality' in the colony. Third, the science technology dealt in the colonial science museum was below the level. What they educated and set forth as domestic science was to cultivate the laborers people for the political power by internalizing modernistic discipline.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.7-25
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• 2006

This research examines symbolic meanings of architectural style of Japanese ruling era of Korea through analysis of Expo buildings. Expo buidings of Joseon Product Evaluation Expo(1915), Joseon Expo(1929), and Joseon Grand Expo(1940) are chosen as subjects of this research. Expos held in Korea since 1945 were creatures of colonial reign and their objectives are advertising the advancement of Japan. New and latest architectural styles of Western countries were used as a symbol of advancement in non-western countries. Renaissance style and Secession style in Joseon Product Evaluation Expo and Modernism style in Joseon Expo were introduced as architectural styles that symbolize advancement. On the contrary, the traditional architectural style of Joseon Dynasty was distorted as symbol of backwardness. Latest Western Architectural Styles were used elaborately and Intentionally to symbolize advancement and industrialization by Japanese ruling power and companies. Specially, Modernism style operating as 'symbol of advancement' is characteristic of non-western society in attempt to proceed Modernization through Westernization. Also, it can be suggested that architectures in Modernism style are used in ways to symbolize the advancement of the colonial reign authorities within the colonial society.

• International Journal of Costume and Fashion
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.15-33
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• 2011

The late $19^{th}$ and early $20^{th}$ centuries of Korea were the times when the Confucianism (牲理學) ideology was shaken heavily under the influences of modernism and capitalism by Western and Japanese military and political-economic forces. Under such circumstances, alteration of clothing was much influenced by ideologies than changes in social structure or technological advance. In this study, an ideology was defined as "the force which drives people into a particular social order". Ideologies were postulated as an ongoing process of socialization with dialectic features rather than being a static state. Comparative analyses on conflict structures and different clothing patterns symbolizing the ideologies of the Ruling (支配) and the Opposition (對抗) were conducted. Investigating dresses as representations of ideologies is to reconsider the notion of dichotomous confrontation between the conservatives (守舊派) and the progressives (開化派) and a recognition of Koreans' passively accepting modernity during the Japanese occupation. This may also have contributed to enlightening Koreans about modernization. Here are the results. First, the theoretical review found that ideologies were represented by not only symbols of discourse, but also dresses, and that dresses embodied both physical and conceptual systems presenting differences between ideologies and their natures, Second, during the late 19th century Korea, conflict between conservatives' Hanbok (韓服) and progressives' Western suits (洋服) was found. Moderate progressives showed their identity by "Colored Clothing" (深色衣), and radical progressives by black suits with short hair (黑衣斷髮) or by western suits (洋服). The ultimate goal of both parties was a "Modern Nation". With these efforts, pale jade green coats and traditional hats symbolizing the nobleman class was eliminated within 30 years from 1880 to 1910, and then simple robes and short hair emerged. However, the powerful Japanese army had taken over the hegemony of East Asia, and Korea was sharply divided into modernization and pro-Japanese camps. Third, during the time of Japanese colonial rule, the dress codes having set by the modernization policies during the time of enlightenment were abandoned and colonial uniforms for the colonial system was meticulously introduced. During this period, Western or Japanese-style uniforms were the symbol of the ruling ideology. In the mean time, Hanbok, particularly "White Clothing (白衣)", emerged as a representation of the opposition ideology. However, due to Japan's coercive power and strong zeal for "Great orient (大東亞)", white clothing remained as a mere symbol. Meanwhile, Reformists (實力養成論者) movement toward improving quality of life followed a similar path of the Japanese policies and was eventually incorporated into the ruling ideology. Fourth, dresses as representations of ruling ideologies were enforced by organizational powers, such as organizations and laws, and binding policies, and changes in such dresses were more significant when the ruling ideologies were stronger. Clothing of the opposition ideology was expressed as an aggregation of public consciousness. During the period, the subjects of ruling ideology and the objects who were granted modernization benefits were different although their drives for colored clothing with short hair (色衣斷髮) for modernization were similar.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.85-108
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• 2017

This paper argues that Thailand's internal colonial model is facing severe challenges: no longer is it so possible to suppress local and regional identities, or to submerge ethnic difference in an all-embracing but potentially suffocating blanket of "Thainess." In recent decades, Thailand's diverse localities have become increasingly assertive. This is most acutely the case in the insurgency-affected southern border provinces of Pattani, Yala, and Narathiwat, but also applies in the "red' (pro-Thaksin) dominated North and Northeast. As the old ruling elite faces serious legitimacy challenges, Thailand's emerging post-colonial politics may require a radical rethinking of the relationship between center and periphery.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.7-34
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• 2018

Finding distinguishing characteristics of Southeast Asia has proven to be a significant challenge: by focusing on the encounters which primarily colonial British writers had with the region's state rulers, it becomes possible to recover the early conceptualizations of regional governance. The writings of Henry Yule, Anna Leonowens, Sir George Scott, and Hugh Clifford all document the "orientalist" features of Western discourses because these writers at once were affected by it as they contributed to it. The discourse about royalty and rulers was central to many of the tropes associated with orientalism, but also with 'ornamentalism'. David Cannadine has shown that ornamentalism (in which British conceptualized many imperial practices in relation to their own hierarchical conceptions of society) was as critical a feature of imperial outlook as was orientalism. The need to understand ruling elites was at the heart of the imperialist project. Tracing the ways in which colonizing powers represented the region's ruling elite offers a new avenue for recognizing the affinities of the regional experience. Beyond orientalism, the paper explores questions about the representation and presentation of authority. Understanding the conceptualizations of rulers is connected to the comprehension of social organization-including representations of "traditional society."

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.5
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• pp.292-302
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• 2018

This article examines how India's major colonial cities-Madras, Calcutta, Bombay (today, Chennai, Kolkata, Mumbai) and New Delhi- are described in India's history textbooks and analyzed them from the perspective of Indians. It is explained the major colonial cities as the process of making the cities and their political, social, economic and cultural changes, the separation between British and Indian, urban planning, colonial architectures built by British colonial power in Indian history textbooks. The viewpoint of its descriptions is featured by the coexistence of 'deprivation, exclusion, discrimination, resistance, challenge' and 'grant of opportunity, acceptation, absorption'. That is, this characteristic maintains a mutual confrontational and inseparable relation. And in a multi-layer, it enables to consider the inherent characteristics of a colonial city reflecting the British ruling ideology and the society within which the rulers and proprietors are forming without simplifying the cultural characteristics. It is clear that there was a resistance against the unreasonable discrimination and exclusion that had been suffered by the British colonial government as well.

• Korean Institute of Interior Design Journal
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.3-12
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• 2008

Most of these cultural spaces are Western architecture which is completely unrelated to our traditional style. In Japan's colonial rule of Korea these Western formation flowed in and passed on by them. Therefore before the understanding of modem cultural space built in Japan's colonial rule of Korea, it's essential to study about the background of the western period in that time, architecture and trend of interior. Due to Great Depression and other reasons the economical modernism of architecture raised in this period. In this thesis, based on such background of period, cultural space has been divided into assembly, theatre and exhibition spaces. Those spaces were studied according to its expressional characteristics and brought to following conclusion from the analysis. The cultural spaces were created around 1930 due to an increase of demand when the modernism started to establish. Like other buildings cultural space expressed modernized elevation and space formation with ferroconcrete building. However until Japan's colonial period the cultural areas were not used for public but for Japanese authority class's social gatherings only. Consequently, unlike other buildings the classical elements that could express these characters were more used in cultural spaces especially in theater and exhibition areas. This distinctiveness didn't appear separately but according to type of rooms in one space. Once more, place like assembly space was expressed with modernism, special or recreation rooms where people pursue a comfort were expressed with decorative style. Also a special theater which was used for only one person was generally expressed with western style to represent the stem character such as power.

• Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing Administration
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• v.6 no.3
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• pp.421-429
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• 2000

Two nurses' assications were organized in Korea during Japanese colonial period One was Choseon Ganhoboohoi(朝餘看護續會, the Korean Nurses' Association)started in 1923 and the other was Choseon Ganhoboohoiphoi started in 1924. Two nursing associations were very different in their members and activities. Choseon Ganhoboohoi was organized and lead by Western missionary nurses in Korea and their Korean pupil nurses. The aim of Choseon Ganhoboohoi was to become a member of ICN. Choseon Ganhoboohoi united with the Western Graduate nurses' Association in Korea, tried to raise the standard of nursing education, and became a branch of Japan Imperial Nurses' Association. All was to become a member of ICN. It continued 15 years and was quite active. But after the half of 1930s Japan's ruling policy became more and more suppressive and western missionaries were expelled from Korea so it could not but discontinue it's activities. Choseon Ganhoboohoiphoi(朝鮮觸護續協會) was organized and lead by Korean nurses. The aim of it was to do the role of nurses by social activities. So it tried health education for the public, It continued only about 2 years, But the leaders of Choseon Ganhoboohoiphoi moved to women's liberation movement and Korean liberation movement and tried to solve the problems of colonized women. The organizations and activities of Choseon Ganhoboohoi and Choseon Ganhoboohoi were two trends to develop Korean nursing during Japaneses Colonial period. The former asked for international cognizance by the raise of nursing standard, and the latter asked for national cognizance by social activities. Although two nurses' associations were different in their ways but quite same in the aspect that both tried for the development of nursing in Korea. But the colonial situation prevented them from continuing their activities. This means that the colonial situation of national level influenced deeply on the development of nursing profession.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.11 no.2 s.30
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• pp.7-22
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• 2002

Architectural style is said to be product reflecting political, social and cultural condition. Especially, in colony, architectural style is strongly related to political condition or policy. After colonization in 1910, public buildings with western historical architectural style in Japanese version were widely built by Japanese colonial government in Korea. And in the late 1920s, modernism style in architecture became dominant in Korea as like other countries. In this situation, curious buildings in strange architectural styles came out. One example is railroad station buildings with traditional Korean architectural style and timber house station having a steep roof which is widely used in North Europe such as Alps area with good sights and mountains. Generally, the colonizer says that colonization is the only way to save the colony at crisis defined by colonizer and they insist that they can help the colony modernize. To justify colonization, the colonizer attributes the colonization to the characteristics of the nation and stagnation of the traditional culture etc.. Accordingly, the colonizer tries to depreciate colony's traditional value and culture. In case of colony which has similar cultural background historically (in this case, economical exploitation is less important than other Asian colony by European power), this depreciation of traditional value and culture in Korea was done more strongly than others. At this time, we should understand special relation between Korea and Japan historically. Even though, colony's locality is adopted by the colonizer in public fields, which is based on political purpose or exotic taste etc.. In early days of Japanese ruling period, Japan never use the Korean traditional facts in public. Therefore there is no use of Korean traditional architectural style in public field. In late 1920s, some railroad station buildings were constructed in new styles without precedence in modern Korea. One is railroad station buildings in Korean traditional architectural style, the other is railroad station buildings in timber house stations having a steep roof which is different form western historical architectural style. It was mystery that Japan had constructed railroad stations in Korean traditional style which Japan had tried to destroy together with Western style railroad station buildings. This paper is made to solve the mystery why the colonizer(Japan) constructed entirely different types of railroad stations at the same time in the late 1920s and 1930s. The key point to solve this mystery is tourism. In this paper, to solve this mystery, I try to use terminology' 'Colonial Tourism' in architecture why colonial power had constructed railroad stations with colony's traditional architectural style and Western style having a steep roof which can be seen north European region.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.24_2
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• pp.165-196
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• 2015

This research starts based on the purpose to investigate the evolution and nature of 48 divinity depends on Gu-Cheon-EungWon-Nweh-Seong-Bo-Hwa-Cheon-Jon(九天應元雷聲普化天尊, Highest ruling Entity and Majesty of Heaven by lightning and thunder raising and ruling all the universe which response to the Supreme) as well as to look at the iconography of that. Ogchugyeong(玉樞經) still exercise enormous influence on Korean folk belief neither in the late Joseon Dynasty and the Japanese colonial period nor till now. The reason for authority of Ogchugyeong(玉樞經) is because Ogchugyeong(玉樞經) was the sutras of being used in the original royal families 48 divinity depends on Gu-Cheon-Eung-Won-Nweh-Seong-Bo-Hwa-Cheon-Jon which appears in Ogchugyeong(玉樞經) is created in Korea. 48 divinity is finally approved at 1888, after it started from 41 at the beginning of the deity general theory(神將論) through developing 47. The figure of 48 seems the result of the syncretism with 48 wishes of Buddhism. Okuchugyong was originally China Taoist scripture, but Okuchugyong entered Korea and reproduced a different look. In China Okuchugyong has two volumes and 44 stature of the deity general(神將) but in Korea Okuchugyong changed to have three volumes and 48 stature.