• 말소리와 음성과학
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• 제2권2호
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• pp.17-25
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• 2010

This study explores whether Koreans exploit their native coda-neutralization process when recognizing words in Korean continuous speech. According to the phonological rules in Korean, coda-neutralization process must come before the liaison process, as long as the latter(i.e. liaison process) occurs between 'words', which results in liaison-consonants being coda-neutralized ones such as /b/, /d/, or /g/, rather than non-neutralized ones like /p/, /t/, /k/, /ʧ/, /ʤ/, or /s/. Consequently, if Korean listeners use their native coda-neutralization rules when processing speech input, word recognition will be hampered when non-neutralized consonants precede vowel-initial targets. Word-spotting and word-monitoring tasks were conducted in Experiment 1 and 2, respectively. In both experiments, listeners recognized words faster and more accurately when vowel-initial target words were preceded by coda-neutralized consonants than when preceded by coda non-neutralized ones. The results show that Korean listeners exploit the coda-neutralization process when processing their native spoken language.

• 말소리와 음성과학
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.59-68
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• 2010

This study addresses the issue of whether Korean(L1)-English(L2) non-proficient bilinguals are affected by the native coda-neutralization process when recognizing words in English continuous speech. Korean phonological rules require that if liaison occurs between 'words', then coda-neutralization process must come before the liaison process, which results in liaison-consonants being coda-neutralized ones such as /b/, /d/, or /g/, rather than non-neutralized ones like /p/, /t/, /k/, /$t{\int}$/, /$d_{\Im}$/, or /s/. Consequently, if Korean listeners apply their native coda-neutralization rules to English speech input, word detection will be easier when coda-neutralized consonants precede target words than when non-neutralized ones do. Word-spotting and word-monitoring tasks were used in Experiment 1 and 2, respectively. In both experiments, listeners detected words faster and more accurately when vowel-initial target words were preceded by coda-neutralized consonants than when preceded by coda non-neutralized ones. The results show that Korean listeners exploit their native phonological process when processing English, irrespective of whether the native process is appropriate or not.

• 대한음성학회:학술대회논문집
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• 대한음성학회 1996년도 10월 학술대회지
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• pp.123-128
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• 1996

So far we have proposed the following constraint ranking for the (over-)application of the coda neutralization: (22) License family ≫ UE family ≫ IDENT-IO family ≫ Base-ID This analysis shows that only the surface level is enough to analyze the opaque behaviors of coda neutralization. Uniform Exponence constraint is worth further study since it can handle Consonant Cluster Simplification and underapplication of /t/-palatalization in Korean compounds in which morphemes before a stem are uniformly realized as one surface form: i.e., the output base form (S. Hong in preparation)(equation omitted)

• 대한음성학회:학술대회논문집
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• 대한음성학회 1996년도 10월 학술대회지
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• pp.482-487
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• 1996

Korean fortis consonant is not included in the consonantal inventory, but a result of phonetic implementation at the phonetic level, P. With the framework of Cognitive Phonology, a construction of Post Obstruent Tensification is proposed in such a way that rule-ordering is eliminated. This enables us to overcome methodological problems raised in former analyses of fortis under geminate hypothesis, and give a uniform account for three categories of fortis consonants. By assuming extrasyllabicity of verb-stem-final, consonant neutralization of fortis in the coda position is explained by the invisibility at the P-level. and, therefore. modification of Coda Neutralization rule is called for.

• 음성과학
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• 제6권
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• pp.103-117
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• 1999

This paper suggests that the onset-coda asymmetry found in languages like Korean and others should be dealt with in terms of one acoustic feature rather than other articulatory features, claiming that the acoustic feature involved here is [noise], i.e., 'aperiodic waveform energy'. It determines the structural well-formedness of the languages in question whether a coda ends in [noise] or not, regardless of the intensity, the frequency, and the time duration of the [noise]. Fricatives, affricates, aspirated stops, tense stops, and released stops are all disallowed in the coda position due to the acoustic feature [noise] they, commonly end with if they were, posited in the coda. The proposal implies that the three seemingly separate prohibitions of consonants in the coda position -- i) no fricatives/affricates, ii) no aspirated/tense stops, and iii) no released stops -- are directly correlated with each other. Incorporation of the one acoustic feature [noise] in the feature theory enables us to see that the aspects of onset-coda asymmetry are derived from one single source: ban, of [noise] in the coda.

• 한국언어정보학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국언어정보학회 2002년도 Language, Information, and Computation Proceedings of The 16th Pacific Asia Conference
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• pp.135-146
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• 2002

The so-called overapplication of Coda Neutralization in Korean, the occurrence of a neutralized consonant in a non-neutralizing environment, is often considered as evidence for serial derivation. In this paper I propose that the neutralization effect at surface is not a result of a phonological process at an intermediate level in serial derivation, but due to a constraint requiring the integrity of the morphological constituent: EDGE-INTEGRITY. It is argued that this is not reducible to an alignment constraint, but a genuine faithfulness constraint on the edge of a morphological constituent. The putative opacity related with the coda neutralization is shown to be an epiphenomenon arising from the ambisyllabic representation of a consonant at a morphological juncture, satisfying both EDGE-INTEGRITY arid Syllabic Conditions. Consonant Copy in the Jeju dialect provides further evidence for EDGE-INTEGRITY, the Only difference being that the conflict between Syllabic Conditions and EDGE-INTEGRITY is resolved by insertion of a copied consonant.

• 음성과학
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• 제13권3호
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• pp.19-33
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• 2006

This study explores whether Russian, known to have a process of syllable-final devoicing, reveals differences in vowel duration as a function of the underlying voicing of the coda stop. This paper also examines whether non-native speakers of Russian and English learn typical L2 values in vowel duration. The results indicate that vowels in Russian have a slightly longer mean duration before a voiced stop than before a voiceless stop (a mean difference of 9.52 ms), but in most cases the differences did not exhibit statistical significance. In English the mean difference was 60.05 ms, and the differences were in most cases statistically significant. All native Russian speakers of English produced larger absolute differences in vowel duration for English than for Russian, and all native English speakers of Russian produced smaller absolute differences for Russian than for English. More experienced learners seemed to achieve more native-like values of vowel duration than less experienced learners did, suggesting that learning occurs gradually as the learners gain more experience with the L2.

• 말소리와 음성과학
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• 제14권4호
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• pp.11-17
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• 2022

This study investigates closure durations of Korean stops in terms of laryngeal contrasts, places of articulation, and three positions within words. Twenty-two Korean speakers produced the nonsense words containing Korean stops found in word-initial and word-final positions and between vowels. The statistical results showed that the closure durations differed significantly by laryngeal contrast and place of articulation. In addition, the differences by position within words were marginally significant. The closure durations were in the order of lenis < aspirated < fortis stops by laryngeal contrast, velar < alveolar < bilabial stops by place of articulation, and word-final < word-initial < between vowels by positions within words. The laryngeal contrasts were neutralized in word-final position as per coda neutralization in Korean phonology. This study shows that closure durations should be considered a valuable phonetic cue to identify stops on par with voice onset time and f0.