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A Study on the Landscape Characteristics and Implications of the Royal Garden through 「The 36 Scenery of Seongdeok Summer Mountain Resort」 by Kangxi Emperor (강희제(康熙帝)의 「승덕 피서산장(避暑山莊) 36경」에 담긴 황가원림의 경관 특성과 함의)

  • RHO Jaehyun;MENG Zijun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.55 no.4
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    • pp.212-240
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    • 2022
  • This study is a multi-layered exploration of 「The Thirty-Six Scenery of Seongdeok Summer Mountain Resort(承德避暑山莊三十六景)」 (The 36th view of Kangxi) recited by Emperor Kangxi of China through literature study, ancient calligraphy diagrams, and field studies. The conclusion of tracing the landscape characteristics and implications contained in 「The 36th view of Kangxi」 through the analysis of the headword(標題語) and the interpretation of the Jeyeong poem(題詠詩) is as follows. 「The 36th view of Kangxi」 is an extension of the outer edge of the Eight Sceneries, and when compared to the existing Eight Sceneries peom and Eight Sceneries painting, it is found that the landscape is centered on the 'viewpoint' rather than the landscape object. In particular, it aimed to create a structured landscape centered on nine types of buildings represented by 'Jeon(殿)' and 'Jeong(亭)' was given. In particular, Yeouiju, located in Lake district, is a scenic country endowed with the character of a gardens in Garden, which is composed by collecting famous representative Chinese landscapes and landscapes of Sansu-si and Sanshu Painting. As a result of headword analysis to understand the characteristics of landscape components, 14 landscapes (38.9%) related to water elements and 13 landscapes(36.1%) related to mountain elements, the elements related to architecture and civil engineering were classified in the order of 3 cases(8.3%), and the elements related to the skylight were classified in the order of 2 cases(5.6%). However, in Jeyeong-si, the mention of landscape vocabulary for climate elements was overwhelming. In other words, in the poems of 「The 36th Scenery of Kangxi」, scenery vocabulary symbolizing 'coolness' such as 雲(cloud), 水(water), 泉(spring), 清(clear), 波(wave), 流(wave), 風(wind) and 無暑(without heat), etc. It is not a coincidence that it appears, and it is strongly attached to the sense of place of Summer Mountain Resort in Rehe(熱河). Among the 23 landscapes whose seasonal background was confirmed, the fact that the lower landscape is portrayed as the majority and the climate elements of the resort area are portrayed in three-dimensional and multi-dimensional ways are closely related to the period of enjoying the gardens of Kangxi, the main subject of the landscape. In addition, many animal and plant landscapes appearing in Jeyeong-si appear to be in the same context as the spatial attributes of not only recreation, but also contemplation and hunting. On the other hand, in Jeyeongsi, there are 33 wonders(91.7%) citing famous people and famous books through ancient poems, old stories, and ancient stories tends to be prominent. It is inferred that this was based on Kangxi's understanding and pride in traditional Chinese culture. In 「The 36th view of Kangxi」, not only a book-writing description of the feelings of being entrusted to the family sutras, but also the spirit of patriotism, love, self-discipline and respect for mother and filial piety are strongly implied. Ultimately, 「The 36th view of Kangxi」 shows the real scene of the resort, as well as the spiritual dimension, in a multi-faceted and three-dimensional way, and the spirit of an emperor based on the dignity of the royal family and the sentiments of a writer it deserves to be called a collection of imperial records that were intended to reveal.

A Study on the long-term Hemodialysis patient중s hypotension and preventation from Blood loss in coil during the Hemodialysis (장기혈액투석환자의 투석중 혈압하강과 Coil내 혈액손실 방지를 위한 기초조사)

  • 박순옥
    • Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
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    • v.11 no.2
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    • pp.83-104
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    • 1981
  • Hemodialysis is essential treatment for the chronic renal failure patient's long-term cure and for the patient management before and after kidney transplantation. It sustains the endstage renal failure patient's life which didn't get well despite strict regimen and furthermore it becomes an essential treatment to maintain civil life. Bursing implementation in hemodialysis may affect the significant effect on patient's life. The purpose of this study was to obtain the basic data to solve the hypotension problem encountable to patient and the blood loss problem affecting hemodialysis patient'a anemic states by incomplete rinsing of blood in coil through all process of hemodialysis. The subjects for this study were 44 patients treated hemodialysis 691 times in the hemodialysis unit, The .data was collected at Gang Nam 51. Mary's Hospital from January 1, 1981 to April 30, 1981 by using the direct observation method and the clinical laboratory test for laboratory data and body weight and was analysed by the use of analysis of Chi-square, t-test and anlysis of varience. The results obtained an follows; A. On clinical laboratory data and other data by dialysis Procedure. The average initial body weight was 2.37 ± 0.97kg, and average body weight after every dialysis was 2.33 ± 0.9kg. The subject's average hemoglobin was 7.05±1.93gm/dl and average hematocrit was 20.84± 3.82%. Average initial blood pressure was 174.03±23,75mmHg and after dialysis was 158.45±25.08mmHg. The subject's average blood ion due to blood sample for laboratory data was 32.78±13.49cc/ month. The subject's average blood replacement for blood complementation was 1.31 ±0.88 pint/ month for every patient. B. On the hypotensive state and the coping approaches occurrence rate of hypotension was 28.08%. It was 194 cases among 691 times. 1. In degrees of initial blood pressure, the most 36.6% was in the group of 150-179mmHg, and in degrees of hypotension during dialysis, the most 28.9% in the group of 40-50mmHg, especially if the initial blood pressure was under 180mmHg, 59.8% clinical symptoms appeared in the group of“above 20mmHg of hypotension”. If initial blood pressure was above 180mmHg, 34.2% of clinical symptoms were appeared in the group of“above 40mmHg of hypotension”. These tendencies showed the higher initial blood pressure and the stronger degree of hypotension, these results showed statistically singificant differences. (P=0.0000) 2. Of the occuring times of hypotension,“after 3 hrs”were 29.4%, the longer the dialyzing procedure, the stronger degree of hypotension ann these showed statistically significant differences. (P=0.0142). 3. Of the dispersion of symptoms observed, sweat and flush were 43.3%, and Yawning, and dizziness 37.6%. These were the important symptoms implying hypotension during hemodialysis accordingly. Strages of procedures in coping with hypotension were as follows ; 45.9% were recovered by reducing the blood flow rate from 200cc/min to 1 00cc/min, and by reducing venous pressure to 0-30mmHg. 33.51% were recovered by controling (adjusting) blood flow rate and by infusion of 300cc of 0,9% Normal saline. 4.1% were recovered by infusion of over 300cc of 0.9% normal saline. 3.6% by substituting Nor-epinephiine, 5.7% by substituting blood transfusion, and 7,2% by substituting Albumin were recovered. And the stronger the degree of symptoms observed in hypotention, the more the treatments required for recovery and these showed statistically significant differences (P=0.0000). C. On the effects of the changes of blood pressure and osmolality by albumin and hemofiltration. 1. Changes of blood pressure in the group which didn't required treatment in hypotension and the group required treatment, were averaged 21.5mmHg and 44.82mmHg. So the difference in the latter was bigger than the former and these showed statistically significant difference (P=0.002). On the changes of osmolality, average mean were 12.65mOsm, and 17.57mOsm. So the difference was bigger in the latter than in the former but these not showed statistically significance (P=0.323). 2. Changes of blood pressure in the group infused albumin and in the group didn't required treatment in hypotension, were averaged 30mmHg and 21.5mmHg. So there was no significant differences and it showed no statistical significance (P=0.503). Changes of osmolality were averaged 5.63mOsm and 12.65mOsm. So the difference was smaller in the former but these was no stitistical significance (P=0.287). Changes of blood pressure in the group infused Albumin and in the group required treatment in hypotension were averaged 30mmHg and 44.82mmHg. So the difference was smaller in the former but there is no significant difference (P=0.061). Changes of osmolality were averaged 8.63mOsm, and 17.59mOsm. So the difference were smaller in the former but these not showed statistically significance (P=0.093). 3. Changes of blood pressure in the group iutplemented hemofiltration and in the Uoup didn't required treatment in hypotension were averaged 22mmHg and 21.5mmHg. So there was no significant differences and also these showed no statistical significance (P=0.320). Changes of osmolality were averaged 0.4mOsm and 12.65mOsm. So the difference was smaller in the former but these not showed statistical significance(P=0.199). Changes of blood pressure in the group implemented hemofiltration and in the group required treatment in hypotension were averaged 22mmHg and 44.82mmHg. So the difference was smatter in the former and these showed statistically significant differences (P=0.035). Changes of osmolality were averaged 0.4mOsm and 17.59mOsm. So the difference was smaller in the former but these not showed statistical significance (P=0.086). D. On the changes of body weight, and blood pressure, between the group of hemofiltration and hemodialysis. 1, Changes of body weight in the group implemented hemofiltration and hemodialysis were averaged 3.340 and 3.320. So there was no significant differences and these showed no statistically significant difference, (P=0.185) but standard deviation of body weight averaged in comparison with standard difference of body weight was statistically significant difference (P=0.0000). Change of blood Pressure in the group implemented hemofiltration and hemodialysis were averaged 17.81mmHg and 19.47mmHg. So there was no significant differences and these showed no statistically significant difference (P=0.119), But in comparison with standard deviation about difference of blood pressure was statistically significant difference. (P=0.0000). E. On the blood infusion method in coil after hemodialysis and residual blood losing method in coil. 1, On comparing and analysing Hct of residual blood in coil by factors influencing blood infusion method. Infusion method of saline 200cc reduced residual blood in coil after the quantitative comparison of Saline Occ, 50cc, 100cc, 200cc and the differences showed statistical significance (p < 0.001). Shaking Coil method reduced residual blood in Coil in comparison of Shaking Coil method and Non-Shaking Coil method this showed statistically significant difference (P < 0.05). Adjusting pressure in Coil at OmmHg method reduced residual blood in Coil in comparison of adjusting pressure in Coil at OmmHg and 200mmHg, and this showed statistically significant difference (P < 0.001). 2. Comparing blood infusion method divided into 10 methods in Coil with every factor respectively, there was seldom difference in group of choosing Saline 100cc infusion between Coil at OmmHg. The measured quantity of blood loss was averaged 13.49cc. Shaking Coil method in case of choosing saline 50cc infusion while adjusting pressure in coil at OmmHg was the most effective to reduce residual blood. The measured quantity of blood loss was averaged 15.18cc.

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International Law on the Flight over the High Seas (공해의 상공비행에 관한 국제법)

  • Kim, Han-Taek
    • The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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    • v.26 no.1
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    • pp.3-30
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    • 2011
  • According to the Article 86 of the United Nations on the Law of the Sea(UNCLOS) the provisions of high seas apply to all parts of the sea that are not included in the exclusive economic zone, in the territorial sea or in the internal waters of a State, or in the archipelagic waters of an archipelagic State. Article 87 also stipulates the freedom of the high seas. International laws on the flight over the high seas are found as follows; Firstly, as far as the nationality of the aircraft is concerned, its legal status is quite different from the ship where the flags of convenience can be applied practically. There is no flags of convenience of the aircraft. Secondly, according to the Article 95 of UNCLOS warships on the high seas have complete immunity from the jurisdiction of any State other than the flag State. We can suppose that the military(or state) aircraft over the high seas have also complete immunity from the jurisdiction of any State other than the flag State. Thirdly, according to the Article 101 of UNCLOS piracy consists of any act of voluntary participation in the operation of a ship or of an aircraft with knowledge of facts making it a pirate ship or aircraft. We can conclude that piracy can de done by a pirate aircraft as well as a pirate ship. Fourthly, according to the Article 111 (5) of UNCLOS the right of hot pursuit may be exercised only by warships or military aircraft, or other ships or aircraft clearly marked and identifiable as being on government service and authorized to that effect. We can conclude that the right of hot pursuit may be exercised only military aircraft, or aircraft clearly marked and identifiable as being on government service and authorized to that effect. Fifthly, according to the Article 110 of UNCLOS a warship which encounters on the high seas a foreign ship, is not justified in boarding it unless there is reasonable ground for suspecting that: (a) the ship is engaged in piracy, (b) the ship is engaged in the slave trade, (c) the ship is engaged in an authorized broadcasting and the flag State of the warship has jurisdiction under article 109, (d) the ship is without nationality, or (e) though flying a foreign flag or refusing to show its flag, the ship is, in reality, of the same nationality as the warship. These provisions apply mutatis mutandis to military aircraft. Sixthly, according to the Article 1 (5)(dumping), 212(pollution from or through the atmosphere), 222(enforcement with respect to pollution from or through the atmosphere) of UNCLOS aircraft as well as ship is very much related to marine pollution. Seventhly, as far as the crime on board aircraft over the high seas is concerned 1963 Convention on the Offences and Certain Other Acts Committed on Board Aircraft(Tokyo Convention) will be applied, and as for the hijacking over the high seas 1970 Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Seizure of Aircraft(Hague Convention) and as for the sabotage over the high seas 1971 Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts Against the Safety of Civil Aviation(Montreal Convention) will be applied respectively. These three conventions recognize the flag state jurisdiction over the crimes on board aircraft over the high seas. Eightly, as far as reconnaissance by foreign aircraft in the high seas toward the coastal States is concerned it is not illegal in terms of international law because its act is done in the high seas. Ninthly as for Air Defence Identification Zone(ADIZ) there are no articles dealing with it in the 1944 Chicago Convention. The legal status of the foreign aircraft over this sea zone might be restricted to the regulations of the coastal states whether this zone is legitimate or illegal. Lastly, the Arctic Sea is the frozen ocean. So the flight over that ocean is the same over the high seas. Because of the climate change the Arctic Sea is getting melted. If the coastal states of the Arctic Sea will proclaim the Exclusive Economic Zone(EEZ) as the ocean is getting melted, the freedom of flight over that ocean will also be restricted to the regulations of the coastal states.

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A Study on Jurisdiction under the International Aviation Terrorism Conventions (국제항공테러협약의 관할권 연구)

  • Kim, Han-Taek
    • The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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    • v.24 no.1
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    • pp.59-89
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    • 2009
  • The objectives of the 1963 Tokyo Convention cover a variety of subjects, with the intention of providing safety in aircraft, protection of life and property on board, and promoting the security of civil aviation. These objectives will be treated as follows: first, the unification of rules on jurisdiction; second, the question of filling the gap in jurisdiction; third, the scheme of maintaining law and order on board aircraft; fourth, the protection of persons acting in accordance with the Convention; fifth, the protection of the interests of disembarked persons; sixth, the question of hijacking of aircraft; and finally some general remarks on the objectives of the Convention. The Tokyo Convention mainly deals with general crimes such as murder, violence, robbery on board aircraft rather than aviation terrorism. The Article 11 of the Convention deals with hijacking in a simple way. As far as aviation terrorism is concerned 1970 Hague Convention and 1971 Montreal Convention cover the hijacking and sabotage respectively. The Problem of national jurisdiction over the offence and the offender was as tangled at the Hague and Montreal Convention, as under the Tokyo Convention. Under the Tokyo Convention the prime base of jurisdiction is the law of the flag (Article 3), but concurrent jurisdiction is also allowed on grounds of: territorial principle, active nationality and passive personality principle, security of the state, breach of flight rules, and exercise of jurisdiction necessary for the performance of obligations under multilateral agreements (Article 4). No Criminal jurisdiction exercised in accordance with national law is excluded [Article 3(2)]. However, Article 4 of the Hague Convention(hereafter Hague Article 4) and Article 5 of the Montreal Convention(hereafter Montreal Article 5), dealing with jurisdiction have moved a step further, inasmuch as the opening part of both paragraphs 1 and 2 of the Hague Article 4 and the Montreal Article 5 impose an obligation on all contracting states to take measures to establish jurisdiction over the offence (i.e., to ensure that their law is such that their courts will have jurisdiction to try offender in all the circumstances covered by Hague Article 4 and Montreal Article 5). The state of registration and the state where the aircraft lands with the hijacker still on board will have the most interest, and would be in the best position to prosecute him; the paragraphs 1(a) and (b) of the Hague Article 4 and paragraphs 1(b) and (c) of the Montreal Article 5 deal with it, respectively. However, paragraph 1(b) of the Hague Article 4 and paragraph 1(c) of the Montreal Article 5 do not specify if the aircraft is still under the control of the hijacker or if the hijacker has been overpowered by the aircraft commander, or if the offence has at all occurred in the airspace of the state of landing. The language of the paragraph would probably cover all these cases. The weaknesses of Hague Article 4 and Montreal Article 5 are however, patent. The Jurisdictions of the state of registration, the state of landing, the state of the lessee and the state where the offender is present, are concurrent. No priorities have been fixed despite a proposal to this effect in the Legal Committee and the Diplomatic Conference, and despite the fact that it was pointed out that the difficulty in accepting the Tokyo Convention has been the question of multiple jurisdiction, for the reason that it would be too difficult to determine the priorities. Disputes over the exercise of jurisdiction can be endemic, more so when Article 8(4) of the Hague Convention and the Montreal Convention give every state mentioned in Hague Article 4(1) and Montreal Article 5(1) the right to seek extradition of the offender. A solution to the problem should not have been given up only because it was difficult. Hague Article 4(3) and Montreal Article 5(3) provide that they do not exclude any criminal jurisdiction exercised in accordance with national law. Thus the provisions of the two Conventions create additional obligations on the state, and do not exclude those already existing under national laws. Although the two Conventions do not require a state to establish jurisdiction over, for example, hijacking or sabotage committed by its own nationals in a foreign aircraft anywhere in the world, they do not preclude any contracting state from doing so. However, it has be noted that any jurisdiction established merely under the national law would not make the offence an extraditable one under Article 8 of the Hague and Montreal Convention. As far as international aviation terrorism is concerned 1988 Montreal Protocol and 1991 Convention on Marking of Plastic Explosives for the Purpose of Detention are added. The former deals with airport terrorism and the latter plastic explosives. Compared to the other International Terrorism Conventions, the International Aviation Terrorism Conventions do not have clauses of the passive personality principle. If the International Aviation Terrorism Conventions need to be revised in the future, those clauses containing the passive personality principle have to be inserted for the suppression of the international aviation terrorism more effectively. Article 3 of the 1973 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Crimes Against Internationally Protected Persons, Including Diplomatic Agents, Article 5 of the 1979 International Convention against the Taking of Hostages and Article 6 of the 1988 Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts Against the Safety of Maritime Navigation would be models that the revised International Aviation Terrorism Conventions could follow in the future.

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Management and Use of Oral History Archives on Forced Mobilization -Centering on oral history archives collected by the Truth Commission on Forced Mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism Republic of Korea- (강제동원 구술자료의 관리와 활용 -일제강점하강제동원피해진상규명위원회 소장 구술자료를 중심으로-)

  • Kwon, Mi-Hyun
    • The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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    • no.16
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    • pp.303-339
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    • 2007
  • "The damage incurred from forced mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism" means the life, physical, and property damage suffered by those who were forced to lead a life as soldiers, civilians attached to the military, laborers, and comfort women forcibly mobilized by the Japanese Imperialists during the period between the Manchurian Incident and the Pacific War. Up to the present time, every effort to restore the history on such a compulsory mobilization-borne damage has been made by the damaged parties, bereaved families, civil organizations, and academic circles concerned; as a result, on March 5, 2004, Disclosure act of Forced Mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism[part of it was partially revised on May 17, 2007]was officially established and proclaimed. On the basis of this law, the Truth Commission on Forced Mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism Republic of Korea[Compulsory Mobilization Commission hence after] was launched under the jurisdiction of the Prime Minister on November 10, 2004. Since February 1, 2005, this organ has begun its work with the aim of looking into the real aspects of damage incurred from compulsory mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism, by which making the historical truth open to the world. The major business of this organ is to receive the damage report and investigation of the reported damage[examination of the alleged victims and bereaved families, and decision-making], receipt of the application for the fact-finding & fact finding; fact finding and matters impossible to make judgment; correction of a family register subsequent to the damage judgement; collection & analysis of data concerning compulsory mobilization at home and from abroad and writing up of a report; exhumation of the remains, remains saving, their repatriation, and building project for historical records hall and museum & memorial place, etc. The Truth Commission on Compulsory Mobilization has dug out and collected a variety of records to meet the examination of the damage and fact finding business. As is often the case with other history of damage, the records which had already been made open to the public or have been newly dug out usually have their limits to ascertaining of the diverse historical context involved in compulsory mobilization in their quantity or quality. Of course, there may happen a case where the interested parties' story can fill the vacancy of records or has its foundational value more than its related record itself. The Truth Commission on Compulsory mobilization generated a variety of oral history records through oral interviews with the alleged damage-suffered survivors and puts those data to use for examination business, attempting to make use of those data for public use while managing those on a systematic method. The Truth Commission on compulsory mobilization-possessed oral history archives were generated based on a drastic planning from the beginning of their generation, and induced digital medium-based production of those data while bearing the conveniences of their management and usage in mind from the stage of production. In addition, in order to surpass the limits of the oral history archives produced in the process of the investigating process, this organ conducted several special training sessions for the interviewees and let the interviewees leave their real context in time of their oral testimony in an interview journal. The Truth Commission on compulsory mobilization isn't equipped with an extra records management system for the management of the collected archives. The digital archives are generated through the management system of the real aspects of damage and electronic approval system, and they plays a role in registering and searching the produced, collected, and contributed records. The oral history archives are registered at the digital archive and preserved together with real records. The collected oral history archives are technically classified at the same time of their registration and given a proper number for registration, classification, and keeping. The Truth Commission on compulsory mobilization has continued its publication of oral history archives collection for the positive use of them and is also planning on producing an image-based matters. The oral history archives collected by this organ are produced, managed and used in as positive a way as possible surpassing the limits produced in the process of investigation business and budgetary deficits as well as the absence of records management system, etc. as the form of time-limit structure. The accumulated oral history archives, if a historical records hall and museum should be built as regulated in Disclosure act of forced mobilization, would be more systematically managed and used for the public users.

Broadening the Understanding of Sixteenth-century Real Scenery Landscape Painting: Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion (16세기(十六世紀) 실경산수화(實景山水畫) 이해의 확장 : <경포대도(鏡浦臺圖)>, <총석정도(叢石亭圖)>를 중심으로)

  • Lee, Soomi
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.96
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    • pp.18-53
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    • 2019
  • The paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were recently donated to the National Museum of Korea and unveiled to the public for the first time at the 2019 special exhibition "Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea." These two paintings carry significant implications for understanding Joseon art history. Because the fact that they were components of a folding screen produced after a sightseeing tour of the Gwandong regions in 1557 has led to a broadening of our understanding of sixteenth-century landscape painting. This paper explores the art historical meanings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion by examining the contents in the two paintings, dating them, analyzing their stylistic characteristics, and comparing them with other works. The production background of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion can be found in the colophon of Chongseokjeong Pavilion. According to this writing, Sangsanilro, who is presumed to be Park Chung-gan (?-1601) in this paper, and Hong Yeon(?~?) went sightseeing around Geumgangsan Mountain (or Pungaksan Mountain) and the Gwandong region in the spring of 1557, wrote a travelogue, and after some time produced a folding screen depicting several famous scenic spots that they visited. Hong Yeon, whose courtesy name was Deokwon, passed the special civil examination in 1551 and has a record of being active until 1584. Park Chung-gan, whose pen name was Namae, reported the treason of Jeong Yeo-rip in 1589. In recognition of this meritorious deed, he was promoted to the position of Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Punishments, rewarded with the title of first-grade pyeongnan gongsin(meritorious subject who resolved difficulties), and raised to Lord of Sangsan. Based on the colophon to Chongseokjeong Pavilion, I suggest that the two paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were painted in the late sixteenth century, more specifically after 1557 when Park Chung-gan and Hong Yeon went on their sightseeing trip and after 1571 when Park, who wrote the colophon, was in his 50s or over. The painting style used in depicting the landscapes corresponds to that of the late sixteenth century. The colophon further states that Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were two paintings of a folding screen. Chongseokjeong Pavilion with its colophon is thought to have been the final panel of this screen. The composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion recalls the onesided three-layered composition often used in early Joseon landscape paintings in the style of An Gyeon. However, unlike such landscape paintings in the An Gyeon style, Gyeongpodae Pavilion positions and depicts the scenery in a realistic manner. Moreover, diverse perspectives, including a diagonal bird's-eye perspective and frontal perspective, are employed in Gyeongpodae Pavilion to effectively depict the relations among several natural features and the characteristics of the real scenery around Gyeongpodae Pavilion. The shapes of the mountains and the use of moss dots can be also found in Welcoming an Imperial Edict from China and Chinese Envoys at Uisungwan Lodge painted in 1557 and currently housed in the Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University. Furthermore, the application of "cloud-head" texture strokes as well as the texture strokes with short lines and dots used in paintings in the An Gyeon style are transformed into a sense of realism. Compared to the composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which recalls that of traditional Joseon early landscape painting, the composition of Chongseokjeong Pavilion is remarkably unconventional. Stone pillars lined up in layers with the tallest in the center form a triangle. A sense of space is created by dividing the painting into three planes(foreground, middle-ground, and background) and placing the stone pillars in the foreground, Saseonbong Peaks in the middle-ground, and Saseonjeong Pavilion on the cliff in the background. The Saseonbong Peaks in the center occupy an overwhelming proportion of the picture plane. However, the vertical stone pillars fail to form an organic relation and are segmented and flat. The painter of Chongseokjeong Pavilion had not yet developed a three-dimensional or natural spatial perception. The white lower and dark upper portions of the stone pillars emphasize their loftiness. The textures and cracks of the dense stone pillars were rendered by first applying light ink to the surfaces and then adding fine lines in dark ink. Here, the tip of the brush is pressed at an oblique angle and pulled down vertically, which shows an early stage of the development of axe-cut texture strokes. The contrast of black and white and use of vertical texture strokes signal the forthcoming trend toward the Zhe School painting style. Each and every contour and crack on the stone pillars is unique, which indicates an effort to accentuate their actual characteristics. The birds sitting above the stone pillars, waves, and the foam of breaking waves are all vividly described, not simply in repeated brushstrokes. The configuration of natural features shown in the above-mentioned Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion changes in other later paintings of the two scenic spots. In the Gyeongpodae Pavilion, Jukdo Island is depicted in the foreground, Gyeongpoho Lake in the middle-ground, and Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Odaesan Mountain in the background. This composition differs from the typical configuration of other Gyeongpodae Pavilion paintings from the eighteenth century that place Gyeongpodae Pavilion in the foreground and the sea in the upper section. In Chongseokjeong Pavilion, stone pillars are illustrated using a perspective viewing them from the sea, while other paintings depict them while facing upward toward the sea. These changes resulted from the established patterns of compositions used in Jeong Seon(1676~1759) and Kim Hong-do(1745~ after 1806)'s paintings of Gwandong regions. However, the configuration of the sixteenth-century Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which seemed to have no longer been used, was employed again in late Joseon folk paintings such as Gyeongpodae Pavilion in Gangneung. Famous scenic spots in the Gwandong region were painted from early on. According to historical records, they were created by several painters, including Kim Saeng(711~?) from the Goryeo Dynasty and An Gyeon(act. 15th C.) from the early Joseon period, either on a single scroll or over several panels of a folding screen or several leaves of an album. Although many records mention the production of paintings depicting sites around the Gwandong region, there are no other extant examples from this era beyond the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion discussed in this paper. These two paintings are thought to be the earliest works depicting the Gwandong regions thus far. Moreover, they hold art historical significance in that they present information on the tradition of producing folding screens on the Gwandong region. In particular, based on the contents of the colophon written for Chongseokjeong Pavilion, the original folding screen is presumed to have consisted of eight panels. This proves that the convention of painting eight views of Gwangdong had been established by the late sixteenth century. All of the existing works mentioned as examples of sixteenth-century real scenery landscape painting show only partial elements of real scenery landscape painting since they were created as depictions of notable social gatherings or as a documentary painting for practical and/or official purposes. However, a primary objective of the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion was to portray the ever-changing and striking nature of this real scenery. Moreover, Park Chung-gan wrote a colophon and added a poem on his admiration of the scenery he witnessed during his trip and ruminated over the true character of nature. Thus, unlike other previously known real-scenery landscape paintings, these two are of great significance as examples of real-scenery landscape paintings produced for the simple appreciation of nature. Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion are noteworthy in that they are the earliest remaining examples of the historical tradition of reflecting a sightseeing trip in painting accompanied by poetry. Furthermore, and most importantly, they broaden the understanding of Korean real-scenery landscape painting by presenting varied forms, compositions, and perspectives from sixteenth-century real-scenery landscape paintings that had formerly been unfound.