• 심성연구
• /
• 제25권1호
• /
• pp.1-26
• /
• 2010

곽암(廓庵)의 십우도(十牛圖)를 자원(慈遠)의 총서(總序), 곽암의 송(頌), 자원의 소서(小序), 석고희이(石鼓希夷)와 만송괴납대련(万松壞衲大璉)등의 화송(和頌)등과 함께 그 상징적 의미를 분석심리학적 정신치료와의 관련에서 극히 개괄적으로 살펴보았다. 십우도(十牛圖)에서 소를 찾는다 함은 자기(自己)(Selbst)를 찾아가는 분석심리학의 자기실현과 그 목표를 같이 하는 것 같다. 십우도의 소는 자기실현의 목표이기도 하면서 수단이며 인도자의 역할을 한다. 곽암의 십우도(十牛圖)에서는 그림자의 수용을 통한 동화(同化)보다 의지에 의한 그림자의 통제를 강조하고 있는 듯하고 남성성, 여성성의 문제를 통찰의 대상으로 삼지 않고 개성에 따르는 자기실현작업의 다양성에 관한 표명이 따로 다루어지고 있지 않다. 또한 곽암의 십우도에는 자아팽창이 해탈의 마지막 단계가 아님을 분명히 하고 있고 대중을 위한 봉사가 강조되고 있다. 십우도(十牛圖)의 그림들은 그림에 붙친 여러 시(詩)와 송(頌), 서(序)의 내용으로 미루어 볼때 다양한 해석을 내릴 수 있는 동기를 마련해 주고 있다. 또한 깨달음의 과정을 나타내는 그림의 상징적 의미가 그림의 순서대로 직선적으로 진행되는 것이 아니고 순환적인 진행을 보인다는 선행연구자들의 의견은 매우 타당한 것으로 보인다. 각각의 그림과 이에 붙친 글들을 더욱 깊이 고찰할 여지가 남아 있다.

• 대한의료기공학회지
• /
• 제7권2호
• /
• pp.40-94
• /
• 2004

최근 서구(西歐)에 불고 있는 명상(冥想)과 참선(參禪) 및 기공(氣功)붐과 더불어 우리 전통(傳統)의 양생법(養生法)들의 가치(價値)가 새롭게 평가(評價)되고 있는데, 아직 우리 고유(固有)의 이론적(理論的) 근거(根據)가 미흡(未洽)한 실정(實情)이다. 이에 저자(著者)는 한국의료기공(韓國醫療氣功)의 이론적고찰(理論的根據)를 마련하기 위해서 한국기공(韓國氣功)의 역사(歷史)를 시대순(時代順)으로 살펴보고, 한국기공(韓國氣功)의 이론적(理論的) 근거(根據)가 되는 ${\ulcorner}$한${\lrcorner}$ 사상(思想)을 검토(檢討)한 후(後), ${\ll}$삼일신고(三一神誥)${\gg}$와 ${\ll}$황제내경(黃帝內經)${\gg}$에 나타난 신(神)의 의미(意味)와 인체관(人體觀) 그리고 수련법(修鍊法)의 비교연구(比較硏究)를 통하여 다음과 같은 결론(結論)을 얻었다. 삼국시대(三國時代)에 활기(活氣)를 띤 민족고유(民族固有)의 신선도(神仙道)는 점차(漸次) 도교(道敎)의 영향(影響)을 받아 통일신라시대(統一新羅時代) 이후(以後) 점점(漸漸) 쇠퇴(衰退)되어 겨우 명맥(命脈)만 유지하게 되었으며, ${\ulcorner}$한${\lrcorner}$ 사상(思想)의 기원(起源)이 되는 삼대경전(三大經典)중 하나인 ${\ll}$삼일신고(三一神誥)${\gg}$에는 유(儒) 불(佛) 도(道) 삼교(三敎)의 원형(原形)이 포함(包含)되어 있었기 때문에 삼국시대(三國時代)부터 들어온 유(儒) 불(佛) 도(道)의 외래사상(外來思想)을 발전적(發展的)으로 수용(受容)할 수 있었다. ${\ll}$삼일신고(三一神誥)${\gg}$와 ${\ll}$황제내경(黃帝內經)${\gg}$을 비교연구(比較硏究)한 결과 기공(氣功)의 이론적(理論的) 근거(根據)가 되는 세 가지 측면(側面)에서 공통(共通)된 점(點)을 찾아볼 수 있었다. 첫째, 신(神)의 의미(意味)에 있어, 천신(天神)과 인신(人神)의 층차(層差)가 존재하면서도 서로 상통(相通)하고 있으며 신(神)의 작용(作用)을 세 가지로 구분(區分)한다는 면에서 논리구조(論理構造)가 일치(一致)되는 공통점(共通點)이 있었다. 둘째, 인체관(人體觀)에 있어, ${\ll}$삼일신고(三一神誥)${\gg}$의 기일원론(氣一元論), 진망이분론(眞妄二分論), 성(性) 명(命) 정(精)과 심(心) 기(氣) 신(身)의 삼분론(三分論)과 형식적(形式的)인 면에서 공통점(共通點)이 있었고 또한 삼진(三眞)인 성(性) 명(命) 정(精)은 삼보(三寶)인 심(心) 기(氣) 신(身)의 이치적(理致的)인 측면(側面)으로, 삼망(三妄)인 심(心) 기(氣) 신(身)은 삼보(三寶)인 정(精) 기(氣) 신(神)의 기능적(機能的)인 측면(側面)으로 이해(理解)할 수 있었다. 셋째, 수련법(修鍊法)에 있어, ${\ll}$삼일신고(三一神誥)${\gg}$에 나타난 지감(止感) 조식(調息) 금촉(禁觸)의 수련법(修鍊法)은 각각(各各) 한의학(韓醫學)의 병인(病因)인 내인(內因) 외인(外因) 불내외인(不內外因)을 조절하는 방법(方法)으로 이해(理解)할 수 있었다. 즉 지감법(止感法)은 인간(人間)의 감정(感情)과 마음 그리고 본성(本性)을 조절(調節)하는 방법(方法)으로, 조식법(調息法)은 인체내부(人體內部)의 기운(氣運)뿐만 아니라 인체내외(人體內外)의 기운(氣運)을 조절(調節)하는 방법(方法)으로, 금촉법(禁觸法)은 인체(人體)의 이목구비(耳目口鼻)와 자세(姿勢) 그리고 생활습관(生活習慣) 등을 조절(調節)하는 방법(方法)으로 이해(理解)할 수 있었다. 이상(以上)의 결론(結論)을 통(通)하여 ${\ll}$삼일신고(三一神誥)${\gg}$에 나타난 신(神)의 의미(意味)와 인체관(人體觀) 그리고 수련법(修鍊法) 등이 ${\ll}$황제내경(黃帝內經)${\gg}$과 공통(共通)된 기공(氣功)의 이론적(理論的) 근거(根據)를 가지므로 ${\ll}$삼일신고(三一神誥)${\gg}$는 한국의료기공학(韓國醫療氣功學)에 있어서 큰 의의(意義)를 가지고 있으며, 향후(向後)에도 지속적(持續的)인 연구(硏究)가 필요(必要)할 것으로 사료(思料)된다.

• 한국전통조경학회지
• /
• 제37권4호
• /
• pp.11-31
• /
• 2019

대영도서관 소장의 청나라 중기에 제작된 「무이산구곡계전도」을 대상으로 그림에 명기된 경물의 명칭을 분석하는 한편 산세, 포구(浦口)와 선박, 건축요소, 토목요소, 인물, 석각 등으로 경물명을 유형화한 후 곡별 문화경관적 속성을 살펴본 결과는 다음과 같다. 「무이산구곡계전도」에 등장하는 건축요소는 총 28 건으로 정자(亭)가 7개소(25%), 사묘[廟]가 4개소(14.3%), 서원과 관(觀)이 각각 3개소(10.7%), 도원(道院)과 마을(村)이 각각 2개소(7.1%)로 집계되었으며, 토목요소는 총 29건으로 동(洞)이 9개소(31%), 고적(古跡)이 6개소(20.7%), 대(臺)가 3개소(10.3%), 도(渡)·교(橋)·지(池)가 각각 2개소(6.9%), 원(園)·문(門)·갱(坑)·정(井)·유지(遺址)가 각각 1개소(3.4%)로 나타났다. 이들 형체요소와 토목요소는 18C 중반 무이산 구곡계의 문화경관적 속성을 드러내는 중요한 유적이다. 각 곡별 형체요소는 1곡이 12개소(21.1%), 5곡이 11개소(19.3%), 4곡이 9개소(15.8%), 9곡이 8개소(14%), 3곡이 7개소(12.3%), 6곡이 4개소(7%), 2곡이 3개소(5.3%), 7곡이 2개소(3.5%) 그리고 8곡이 각각 1개소(1.8%)로 정리되어 1곡과 5곡 그리고 4곡이 갖는 문화경관적 특성이 한층 부각되었다. 한편 『무이산지』의 명소 유형에 대한 묘사에 따르면, 「무이산구곡계전도」에 표현된 경물의 묘사는 총 38개 유형으로 집계되었는데, 이중 암(岩)·봉(峰)·석(石) 등 3개 경물이 차지하는 경관적 비중이 압도적이었다. 이는 무이구곡의 벽수단산의 경색을 보이는 단하지모적 특성이 반영된 결과이다. 「무이산구곡계전도」에 표현되었거나 내포된 무이산의 문화적 함의를 분석 및 해석한 결과, 무이산 구곡계에는 이학문화, 도교문화, 불교문화, 차문화, 기타문화 등 5개 문화가 존재하는 것으로 파악되었다. 한편 「무이산구곡계전도」에 표시된 총 171곳의 경물 명중에는 현장 바위글씨[石刻]와 일치되거나 동일한 의미를 보이는 석각은 찬경제각(贊景題刻) 3방, 철리제각(哲理題刻) 3방, 길어제각(吉語題刻) 1방 등 총 7개소로 나타났으며 이는 그림과 석각 간의 상호텍스트성을 보이는 중요한 근거로 보인다.

• 미술이론과 현장
• /
• 제1호
• /
• pp.109-144
• /
• 2003

Orientalness is a concept that expresses the collective identity of the Orient in relation to the West. The concept itself is mutable and defined by the relationship between the two regions at different points in time. Changes in the concept depend on a number of factors, such as cultural influence, the political balance of power between the two regions, and on the interpretative scheme that defines the relationship. In addition, the geographical notion of the concept evolves culturally, socially and politically. During this process, Oriental-ness becomes Oriental-ism at times. I will attempt to survey and measure the progression of Orientalness from its emergence in early 17th century to its subsequent transformation in modern Korea as reflected in art theory and art works. The recognition of the comparative characteristics of Oriental art began when the Orient was exposed to the art of the West in the late Ming dynasty during the early 17th century. The changes in the artistic climate in China affected the late Chosun. I will start with a brief introduction of this time and the birth of Orientalness. The concept gradually changed during the period of Enlightenment(開化期) towards the end of the 19th century, and during the colonial period( 1910-1945) it took on a new form. Establishment of the concept of "Orient"as a single, unifying concept spanning across cultures and national boundaries has been attributed to late Meiji period Japan, whose intention at that time is believed to have been to build a pan-Asia(亞細亞) empire with Japan at its commanding center. It has been stressed that the real motive behind the formation of one single cultural unit, where the shared common written language was Chinese and Confucianism and Taoism were the common metaphysical traditions, was to build one political unit. When the notion of a geographical unit of Asia was replaced by the concept of Asia as a cultural and political unit, a massive growth of interest and discourse were provoked around the concept of Orientalism. When Orientalism was being formulated, Korea automatically became member of "one Asia" when the country became colonized. For Koreans, the identity of the Orient had to be defined in cultural terms, as the political notion of a nation was non-existent at that time. The definition of identity was pursued at two levels, pan-Asian and local. If Orientalism was an elite discourse centered in pan-Asian philosophical and religious tradition, localized Orientalism was a popular discourse emphasizing locality as the byproduct of natural geographic condition. After the liberation in 1945 from colonial rule, a thrust of movement arose towards political nationalism. Two types of discourses on Orientalism, elite and popular, continued as central themes in art. Despite the effort to redefine the national identity by eradicating the cultural language of the colonial past, the past was enduring well into the present time. As discussed above, even when the painting themes were selected from Korean history, the tradition of using history painting as a manifestation of political policy to glorify the local identity had its founding during the Meiji period. The elevation of folk art to the level of high art also goes back to the colonial promotion of local color and local sentiment. Again, the succession of the past (colonial) ideal was defended as the tradition assumed a distinct modern shape that was abstract in style. The concept of the "Orient" is of relative and changing nature. It was formulated in relation to Western culture or civilization. Whatever the real motive of the adoption of them had been, the superiority of the Orient was emphasized at all times. The essence of the Orient was always perceived as the metaphysical tradition as a way to downgrade Western culture as materialistic. This view still prevails and the principle of Orient was always sought in Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. Even when Orientalism was employed by imperialist Japan in an effort to establish her position as the center of the Orient, the spiritual source was still in Chinese philosophy and religion. In art also, the Chinese literati tradition became the major platform for elite discourse. Orientalism was also defined locally, and the so-called local color was pursued in terms of theme and style. Thus trend continued despite the effort to eradicate the remnants of colonial culture long after liberation. These efforts are now being supported politically and also institutionalized to become the aesthetic ideal of the modern Korean art.

• 한국치위생학회지
• /
• 제10권2호
• /
• pp.375-392
• /
• 2010

Objectives : Dental hygienist's work satisfaction and stress affect the overall quality of work life(QWL). Therefore, this research is intended to suggest fundamental data to improve QWL by finding out characteristics of each work satisfaction and stress element. To this end, a total of 327 dental hygienists working at general hospitals, university hospitals, dental hospitals and dental clinics across Seoul, Gyeonggi and Incheon were surveyed. Results of survey are as follows. Methods : The collected data were analyzed by using an SPSS 12.0 statistical program, obtaining the following results. The collected data conducted a questionnaire survey for 327 dental hygienists who work at the hospitals, university hospitals, dental hospitals, and dental clinics located at Seoul, Gyeonggi-do, and Incheon district from January until March, 2009, and drew the conclusions as follows. Result : 1. Demographic characteristics, income from 1.5 to 1.99 million were the whole lot, more than 2 million to less than 1.5 million was similar. Marital status Married Unmarried higher than the atheist religion, Christianity, Catholicism, Buddhism, and other, respectively. Classification by level of education in the college graduate, university graduate, graduate diploma, respectively. 2. Are working in a job-related characteristics of dentistry, dental hospital, general and university hospital, respectively. The making in position, Mount, contractor, responsible, senior, was an intern in the order. The five-day workweek whether working at night and is not going to care whether the conduct was similar. Classification of working hours and 8 hours, 8 hours, 8 hours or less orderly, and total of less than 1-3 years of clinical experience, 5 years, less than one year, less than 3-5 years, respectively. 3. There comes out a significant difference according to age, income, position, gross clinical experience, and whether to put night shift into practice in job stability in terms of the quality subsequent to general characteristics(p<.05). 4. There comes out a significant difference according to marital status, one's place of work, position, whether to put a five-day workweek into practice in work environment and benefits package in terms of the quality subsequent to general characteristics (p<.05). 5. There comes out a significant difference according to age, marital status, income, position, and gross clinical experience in education & training and benefits packages in terms of the quality subsequent to general characteristics(p<.05). 6. There comes out a significant difference according to whether to put night medical treatment into practice in social usefulness in terms of the quality subsequent to general characteristics(p<.05). 7. There comes out a significant difference according to marital status, income, one's place of work, gross clinical experience, work hours, and whether to put a five-day workweek into practice in leisure activity in terms of the quality subsequent to general characteristics(p<.05). 8. There comes out a significant difference according to income, one's place of work, and position in wage level in terms of the quality subsequent to general characteristics(p<.05). 9. There was no significant difference in all items related to human relations and free communication in terms of the quality subsequent to general characteristics(p>.05). Conclusions : It is necessary to analyze factors related to work satisfaction and stress in order to improve dental hygienist's quality of work life. Hospitals must support them systematically and institutionally and related organizations must conduct practical research.

• 한국전통조경학회지
• /
• 제33권1호
• /
• pp.21-30
• /
• 2015

불국사(佛國寺)는 신라의 대표적인 사찰로서 임진왜란으로 완전 소실된 이후 1805년까지 중수와 중건을 거듭하였다. 그 이후의 기록은 없다가 재정상태가 어려워지면서 불국사의 중수는 중단되었으며, 일제강점기에는 일제에 의한 수리공사가 크게 2차에 걸쳐 나누어 시행되었다. 해방이후, 1969년 불국사 복원위원회가 설립되고 발굴조사 후 1970년부터 공사가 시작되어 1973년에 준공되었다. 본 연구는 현재 국가기록원에 소장되어 있는 불국사의 일제강점기 건축도면과 1902년 불국사의 모습을 사진으로 남긴 세키노 타다시(關野 貞)의 자료, 1973년에 발간된 불국사복원공사보고서를 통해 고찰하였다. 이를 통해 일제강점기 이후의 불국사의 경관의 변화를 확인하여 향후 복원이나 재정비 사업의 진행시 기초자료로 활용하는 것을 목적으로 하며 연구결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 불국사는 19세기 초까지 유지되어 왔으나 그 후 사세가 약해졌고 그 후 일제강점기의 일본의 우월함을 표출하려는 무분별한 수리공사와 1970년대 박정희 대통령의 지시로 자료와 연구가 불충분한 상태에서 공사를 진행하여 많은 경관 변화가 있었다. 둘째, 구품연지(九品蓮池)는 고문헌에서 구품연지의 의미와 영지(影池)의 기능이 함께 언급되어 있어 그 명칭을 확정할 수 없고 실제로 발굴조사된 위치가 극락전이 아닌 대웅전 아래 공간이었기 때문에 구품연지의 교리적 의미와 발굴위치가 맞지 않는 의문점을 남기고 있었다. 구품연지는 창건초기부터 영지(影池)로서 역할을 하다가 시간이 흐르며 불국사의 사세가 약해짐에 따라 연지(蓮池)로서의 역할을 하게 되어 극락전의 존재와 교리상 알맞은 구품연지(九品蓮池)로 불리게 된 것으로 추측하였다. 셋째, 대웅전 남회랑의 경관을 촬영한 1902년 세키노 타다시의 사진을 확인할 결과 당시 남회랑의 벽체가 없었고 1918년에 작성된 것으로 추정되는 일제강점기 도면에서도 벽이 없는 회랑의 모습을 확인할 수 있었다. 이는 1970년대 복원공사 뒤의 남회랑의 모습과는 다른데 불국사의 전체적인 경관과 함께 탑이 비추면서 아래쪽 지당이 영지로서의 기능을 했다는 근거 자료였다. 넷째, 48계단은 계단 숫자와 관련하여 정토불교와 관련된 48대원, 16관법, 대웅전의 관점에서의 승가시 3도로로 해석되고 있었다. 국가기록원에서 보관중인 일제강점기의 불국사 도면과 사진, 발굴조사자료를 확인한 결과 원래 없었던 것으로 판단되어 48계단에 대한 올바른 스토리를 알릴 필요가 있다.

• 한국전통조경학회지
• /
• 제32권1호
• /
• pp.10-21
• /
• 2014

본 연구는 함양 남계천변에 돌출한 바위 대고대의 경관성과 향유 주체에 주목하였다. 옛 시문과 석벽에 의탁(依託)된 인명 등 바위글씨의 분석과 해석을 통해 이곳의 장소 특성을 밝히고, 대고대에서 벌어졌던 경관 향유와 장소 패권 양상을 조명한 본 연구의 결과는 다음과 같다. 고지도에서 나타난 대고대는 지근거리에 5개소의 서원이 집중 포치(布置)되고 있으며, 대(臺) 자체의 입체적 볼륨감과 기괴함이 흥미를 불러일으키고 있다. 16C 옥계(玉溪) 노진(1518~1578)에 의해 최초로 명명된, 대고대(大孤臺)의 쓰임새를 고대(孤臺) 정경운(鄭慶雲: 1556~?)의 고대일록(孤臺日錄)에 근거해 분석한 결과, 남계서원 등의 임원과 유생의 조망 놀이 휴양 회의 계회 등 다양한 용도의 정치 사회적 소통의 장으로 활용된 것으로 확인된다. 대고대의 공간구성을 살펴보면 구졸암(九拙菴) 양희(梁喜: 1515~1581)의 신도비를 중심으로 상단 암벽에는 청근정(淸近亭)이, 그 서측에는 산앙재(山仰齋)가 위치한다. 동서로 펼쳐진 높이 11m, 넓이 약 $350m^2$의 대고대 반석 상부는 강론과 음영을 위한 장소로 널리 활용되었다. 반석 북서측에 '석송(石松) 추사(秋史)'라고 음각된 추사(秋史) 김정희(金正喜: 1786~1856) 서체의 바위글씨와 그 옆의 일명 '석송'이라 불렸을 것으로 추정되는 고사목의 잔해는 이곳의 역사성과 진정성을 한층 강화시켜 주는 경관요소이다. '대고대(大高臺) 개은서(介隱書)'와 '묵헌(默軒)' '정근상('鄭近相)' 바위글씨는 각각 개은(介隱) 정재기(鄭在箕: 1811~1879)와 그의 증손(曾孫) 정근상(鄭近相: 1893~1934)에 의해 기록된 배타적 공간 향유와 장소패권의 산물이자 조선 말기 이후 일제강점기까지 그들이 이곳 대고대의 향유 주체였음을 알리는 낙관(落款)이다. 요컨대 대고대는 조선 중기 이후 '구졸양선생장구소'로서 장소 선점의 묵시적 의미를 지녀왔으며, 조선말기와 일제강점기에는 정재기와 정근상의 연이은 장소패권 과정을 거치면서도 '동북강회소 천령제선현장구소'라는 범함양(凡咸陽)의 다자(多者) 강회 및 추념공간으로 변형 계승되어 왔다. 그럼에도 불구하고 석벽에 쓰여진 다수의 인명 바위글씨는 '하동정씨(河東鄭氏)'와 '풍천노씨(豊川盧氏)'가 대고대의 경관 향유 및 장소패권의 주체였음을 묵언한다. 대고대에서 새긴 '바위글씨'는 경관향유 의지의 표상이자 장소 주도권 쟁탈을 보여주는 또 다른 형태의 문화경관이자 정원 경영의 사례이다.

• 기본간호학회지
• /
• 제4권1호
• /
• pp.147-162
• /
• 1997

This study was attempted to provide the basic data for nursing intervention to improve the psychosociological adaptation of patients receiving chemotherapy for breast cancer by examining relationship between anxiety and hopelessness that they are experiencing and family support, in order to help them successfully cope with various psychological problems. This study was carried out with 93 breast cancer patients who are receiving chemotherapy in the injection treatment room of K University Hospital located in the downtown of Taegu after having underwent mastectomy in the hospital between December 1995 and August 1996. This study used the systematized questionnaires which contain 7 questions about general characteristics, Spielberger's trait anxiety & state anxiety scale, the tool that WON(1987) modified the hopelessness scale which was developed by Beck et al.(1967) and the family support tool made by TAE(1985). By using the SPSS/PC program, this study obtained the real number and percentage for the general characteristics of the subjects, and mean and standard variation for the degrees of trait anxiety, state anxiety, hopelessness and family support. The correlation between each variables was identified on the basis of the Pearson Correlation, and the degrees of trait anxiety, state anxiety, hopelessness and family support in the general characteristics of the subjects were analyzed by using the t-test, ANOVA, and Duncan test. The results of this study were summarized as follows. In the general characteristics of the subjects, most of each group were 51 years old or more and the middle class in income, had educational background under elementary school, no job, Buddhism in religion and spouse, and were receiving chemotherapy using MTX and 5FU. It was shown that the degree of the subjects' trait anxiety is, on an average, 50. 29, state anxiety 49. 68, hopelessness 51. 46 and family support 34. 28. Both trait anxiety and hopelessness showed normal correlation ; the higher the degree of trait anxiety is, the higher the degree of hopelessness is, while trait anxiety and family support showed reverse correlation ; the higher the degree of trait anxiety, the lower the degree of family support that the subjects perceive is. State anxiety and hopelessness also showed normal correlation ; the higher the degree of state anxiety is, the higher the degree of hopelessness is. Family support and hopelessness showed reverse correlation ; the higher the degree of family support is, the lower the degree of hopelessness that the subjects perceive is. And family support and state anxiety showed reverse correlation but there was a statistically significant difference. The degree of trait anxiety in the general characteristics of the subjects showed a significant difference by age, job and religion, the degree of state anxiety a signigicant difference by job and religion, the degree of hopelessness a signigicant difference by age, educational background and existence or not of spouse. In conclusion, the breast cancer patients receiving chemotherapy perceive anxiety and hopelessness due to several causes such as diagnosis itself or side effects of chemotherapy, so that it is required not only to develop specific nursing interventions including family support to alleviate anxiety and hopelessness but also to apply such interventions to clinical practice.

• 대한의료기공학회지
• /
• 제1권1호
• /
• pp.13-59
• /
• 1996

Dep. of Classics &Medical History, College of Oriental Medicint, Kyung Hee University Today, many people are more interested Today, many people are more interested in preventing the disease than curing it. Chi-Kung(氣功) is the way of Life-Cultivation(養生法) peculiar to the orient, it is reported in china that Chi-Kung has an excellent curative value not only in curing the disease but also in preventing it. But the full-scale study of Chi-Kung is not be made up to now in Korea, so I studied the developmental history of chinese Chi-Kung through the oriental medical books. From this study, I reached the following conclusions; 1. Chi-Kung is naturally derived from the self-preservation instinct to adapt oneself to circumstances of the nature, but in the investigation from the documentational records, it is originated in the treatment method of the Sam-Huang-O-Jae(三皇五帝) period to cure the abnormal circulation of the vital force and blood caused by damp(濕). 2. As the principle and the method of the Life-Cultivation of the Chun-Chu-Jeon-Kook(春秋戰國) period were recorded in Huang-Jae-Nai-Gyung(黃帝內經) detailly and the remedy examples by ancient Chi-Kung such as Tao-Yin(導引), Haeng-Chi(行氣) were presented, we considered that theoretical basis of the development of Life-cultivation and Chi-Kung study was furnished in that period. 3. A famous doctor, Hwa-Ta(華引) lived in Han dynasty, researched the theory and practice of Tao-Yin transmitted from the former generations, as that result, he formed a kind of medical, gymnastics what is called O-Keum-Hi(五禽?). It is considered that 'O-Keum-Hi' is a Tao-Yin method developed more practically and systemetically than the Tao-Yin appeared in the 'Jang-Ja'(莊子) or 'Hoy-Nam-Ja'(淮南子). 4. In Wui-Jin-Nambook-Jo(魏曺南北朝) periods, the contents of Chi-Kung were more abundant under the influence of Buddhism(佛敎) and Taoism(道敎). Galhong(葛洪), the author of 'Po-Bak-Ja'(抱朴子) arranged the ancient Chi-Kung method systematically first of all, Tao-Goeng-Gyung, the author of 'Yang-Seong-Yeun-Myung-Rok'(養性延命錄) recorded the 'Yook-Ja-Geul'(六字訣) first time. 5. There is a new development of Chi-Kung therapy in Soo-Tang-Odae(隋唐五代) periods, especially So-Won-Bang(巢元方), the author of 'Jey-Bang-Won-Hwu-Ron' collected almost all of the Chi-Kung method, for curing the disease formed before Soo(隋) period. From that fact, we supposed that Chi-Kung was utilized more widely in curing the disease. 6. 'So-Ju-Cheon-Hwa-Hu-Peob'(小周天火候法) was adopted as the best orthodox approach under the influence of Nae-Tan-Taoist(道敎內丹學波) in Song-Keum-Won(宋金元) periods, especially in the song dynasty, 'Pal-Dan-Geum'(八段錦) was appearde and assignment of six-Chi(六氣) for bowel and viscera in the 'Yook-Ja-Geul'(六字訣) was decided firmly, that is to say Lung-Si(肺-?), Heart-Kha(心-呵), Spleen-Hoa(脾-呼), liver-Hoe(肝-噓), Kidney-chui(賢-吹), Three-Burner-shi(三焦-?). 7. In Myung-Cheong(明淸) periods, The general practitioner applied the principle of 'Byun-Jeng-Ron-Chi(辨證論治) to the Chi-Kung field, and after Myung dynasty the style of doing 'Yook-Ja-Gyel'(六字訣) was developed to the moving style. 8. Today, in china, the study on the Chi-Kyung is being progressed constantly under the positive assistance of government, Chi-Kung-Hak(氣功學) has taking its place as a branch of study step by step. It is considered that the establishment of Chi-Kung-Hak Classroom(氣功學敎室) and Medical Chi-Kung Center(氣功療法室) for special and systematic research are needed, at the same time the settlement of institutional system for training the Chi-Kung technician(氣功師) is also needed.

• 복식
• /
• 제24권
• /
• pp.15-28
• /
• 1995

This thesis focuses on the study of costume and ornaments of Shilla which had been severely affected by Uighur, and those of Uighur in Uighur self-governing district located in Shin Kang. East Turkestan, in Centrals Asia. This study aims to identifty the way of intergration of Uighur's costume and ornaments into Shilla, and orgins of Shill's costume and ornaments which had amix of internationl elelemnts thoursh cross exchanges, by comparing the differences between the two, and at the same time to clarify the pedigree of Korean costume and ornaments which are said to be udner a severe Chinese influence, by highlingting its uniqueness and originality . The result of the study demonstrates and originality of SHilla by melting foreign cultures into its own style in the process of accepting them. This means that the Shilla has recreated them in t도 form of simplification, and added naturalistic abstratness which is an element of Norther culture. The costume and ornaments are divided into coronets men's costuem, women's costume, and accessories 1. Coroncts A horse-riding man, and the costume type of 유고제 착유지체형 tell the Northern culture's influence on 백화수피기마인물채화담립 and patterns of a lotus flowr and arabesque show the 백화수피기마인물채색답립 has an influence of Buddhism with cluture of bordering countries of Western China , The origin of 뱍회수피제안형건(원정형, 방정형) lies in Northern cultures which can be found in ancient tombs of the Huns in noin-Ila , and stone caves of Jizil in Kochang. The wall paintings in Alexandropol, Murutuk and 돈황 No. 409 cave show that 초화형입식계금관 is under the influence of Northern culture, and Bezerkrick No, 25 cave and 회 번 in Kocho also show 수목녹각형입식관 is under the influence of Northern culture, with its origin in Novecherkaask. In this regard, the transformed coroncts of Shilla has shows a blended culture of Shilla with Nothern, Chinese, and Western cultures. 2. Men's Costume 반령포 derives from cultures of bordering countries of Western China centering around Uighur and Turkey. 연주문 in Uighur prince's costume and in Uighur paintings of Central Asia were reflected into the arts of Shilla in a direct way, and the motive of Uighur was deviatelly expressed at Shilla's arts in the form of simplicity , and naturalistic abstract paintings as in shown at 입수쌍조문 in tiles and brick. Along with this , 고착지체형 costume originates from Eurasia's Northern horseriding costumes as was shown in a golden man in B.C.4-5C which is now possessed by Kazakstan Republic Academy Archelogy Center Museum, and a golden figure from Skitai ancient caves, an the origin is carried away into wall paintings of Kizil No.14. cave in 8c and Astana's early period ancient tomb. No.6. 3. Women's Costume The hair styles of Shilla people are either 변발 or up -style with a lot of hair around it whose origin can be seen in Astana No.216 and No.187 caves of Kochang and Uighur's wall paintings of royal princess's hair style. Astana's middle period No. 206 and No.230 tombs reveal the its origin of 고착장군 while Astana early period No. 6 tomb shows that of 광유풍만형. 4. Accessories The earrings with small golden beads is seen at earring of figure holding a sword in wall painting of figure holding a sword in wall painting of Kizil in about 5 C. and those of a offering people in Sorchuk wall paintings. The earrings with small golden beads originates from a golden pendant of Shivargan, Afganistan, and golden pendants and other golden and metal accessories from Chrioba ancient tombs in Skiti Critia peninsula. Shilla's costume derives from the costume style of horse-ridding man, which proves the fact that Shilla people are horse-ridding peoplewith excellent horse-ridding techniques, and traditions. The people of Shilla are from horse-ridding people of local mounted momads in Northern part of Siberia steppe and this origin of Northern culture had been carried into Uighur in East Turkestan. At the same time , Shilla has a wealth and power since it was rich in gold and iron , thus producing lots of materials made of them. The results of this study emphasizes Shilla's identity and self-control by creating an independent an innovative heterogeneous culture since Shill's active exchanges with East Asia allowed it to accept the most civilized Uighur culture in East Turkestan among Altai languate which had frequent cross contacts with India and Europe.