• Title/Summary/Keyword: border community

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International Cooperation Plan for DMZ World Peace Park: Focusing on NGO's international solidarity and support (DMZ 세계평화공원 조성을 위한 국제공조 방안: NGO의 국제연대 활동과 지원을 중심으로)

  • Suh, Kyung-Do
    • Journal of Digital Convergence
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    • v.14 no.12
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    • pp.645-655
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    • 2016
  • The purpose of this study is to analyze the roles and functions of NGO 's International Solidarity in the establishment of' DMZ World Peace Park ', the mechanism of operation, and the policy formation of NGO' s international solidarity. The establishment of the DMZ World Peace Park is a matter that can be achieved as a result of dialogue efforts between the two parties based on the agreement between the DPRK and the ROK government, but should take a more relaxed approach to the process issues in order to achieve such results And should be done in a long-term, step-by-step plan. In the process of realizing this, South Korea's own efforts alone are difficult, and it is necessary to seek various channels of dialogue with the international community so that North Korea can have dialogue negotiations. This will be the role of NGO, It should be noted. As a result, in order to establish 'DMZ World Peace Park', it is necessary to establish concrete road map of DMZ World Peace Park. In the first stage, it is necessary to organize and operate 'DMZ World Peace Park Promotion Committee' under the directorship of the President or Prime Minister, It is necessary to select candidates, to appeal to North Korea and to support the international community, and to participate voluntarily by the private sector. Phase 2 requires final settlement. Phase 3 will require a step-by-step road map, such as rapid construction of the Peace Park, expansion of peaceful use of the DMZ, and expansion of ecology, history and cultural tourism in the DMZ border area.

Characteristics of the Traditional Family System in Black Africa (흑아프리카 전통 가족 제도의 특징)

  • Yu, Jai-Myong
    • Cross-Cultural Studies
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    • v.45
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    • pp.269-293
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    • 2016
  • This research studies the characteristics of the family systems of traditional societies in Black Africa. For this purpose, this study has chosen three subtopics: the distinctive features of traditional societies, marriage customs (polygamy and polyandry), and the societal features of patriarchal and matriarchal societies. First, we analyze men's and women's roles, ownership and management of the land, dowry, and social values of livestock as the distinctive features that support the family system in traditional Black African societies. These elements play an important role in increasing the number of family members. Next we analyze marriage customs-polygamy and polyandry-which increase the number of family members, on the one hand, and secure the labor force, on the other hand. Most traditional societies in Black Africa prectice polygamy. However, the $Bashil{\acute{e}}l{\acute{e}}$ and Bahima prectice polyandry. Polygamy in traditional societies in Black Africa is based on the traditional social customs that display the authority and dignity of the family head, who has control over all family members in both patrilineal and matrilineal societies. The authority and dignity of the family head are used to keep and increase the number of family members, that is, to secure the community firmly. Finally, most traditional societies are patrilineal. However, matrilineal societies are prevalent in the so-called Matrilineal Belt, which term refers to the savanna regions where Bantu peoples reside, that is, the coastal regions from the Angolan coast, bordering the Atlantic, to the Tanzanian and Mozambique coasts that border the Indian Ocean. These societies trace descent through the maternal bloodline. The traditional family system in Black Africa is based on economic social, and political factors, as well as on the community spirit of the members, which has resulted from the choices made to increase the prosperity and well-being of the people.

Coexistence of Everything that Exists -An Imagination about Love of Korean American Immigrant Nakchung THUN (존재하는 모든 것들의 공존 -미주 이민자 전낙청의 사랑에 관한 한 상상)

  • Chon, Woo-Hyung
    • Journal of Popular Narrative
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    • v.26 no.2
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    • pp.191-219
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    • 2020
  • This paper aims to identify the key features of the novel writing of Korean American immigrants and their meaning as one aspect of movement and contact occuring in the early modern period. The late return of the novels written by Nakcheong THUN in the 1930s is significant in that it restored ideas on the diversity of early modern mobility and confronted the history and culture of immigrants who were excluded from records and memories. Not only are these novels a product of the phenomenon of immigration, but they have also created a crack in the dichotomous perceptions of domination and subordination, center and periphery by envisioning it as a space that creates new history, culture, institutions and values. These novels treat the free love of intellectual, emotional, and ethical figures as a central event, demystifying Western free love, and at the same time, a society divided by various identities including class, race, and gender. The novels by Nakchung THUN visualize the active exchange between the immigrant and the indigenous community through the character of Jack, and imagines the heterotopia as a place where not for the immigrants' utopia, but for everyone's coexists. These novels have declared a kind of memory war on the subordinate and marginalized contact zones. The contact zones of the immigration area had been a place for experiencing extreme conflicts and discords, and at the same time, it has served as a place where various groups and communities are connected. The contact zones were common areas of solidarity and creation before being subject to division and occupation. The contact zones are far from the border or borderlands, so it is not a fixed and immutable deadlock. As a world free from central domination the contact zones have been a space that preoccupied history and culture through various encounters, and have been a community.

Landscape Fragmentation of Circular Greenspace in Cheongju and Requirements for a Sustainable Development (청주시 환상녹지의 경관 파편화 실태와 지속가능한 녹지관리 방안 모색)

  • Kim, Jai-Han
    • Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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    • v.47 no.1
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    • pp.79-97
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    • 2012
  • This study examines on the impact of biodiversity in circular greenspace of Cheongju city since 2002 greenbelt release. Research has carried out to investigate the biotope pattern change with landscape fragmentation. Major landscape fragmentation has occurred with development of residential sector and build-up of major highways. Settlement has been expanded to the entire area connected to urban district excluding the eastern forest. North-south district shows high road density, where inter-regional roads meet in the cross-section. It is found that landscape fragmentation impact on species richness as well as population size of the species varies depending on the animal species. The birds show high species richness in N2, N3, N4, S2(north-south zone) even with high fragmentation rate. This can be explained that birds can access to aquatic environment where they can find abundant food resources. The amphibians and the reptiles show almost no zonal variation in species richness than the birds. The more a zone fragmented in small patches, the species richness of the amphibians and the reptiles also tends to be declined. Information accumulation on biodiversity for integrating landscape planning in urban planning, various level of community participation in decision making process, and cross border cooperation with neighbouring Cheongwon-gun will be required for sustainable greenspace management of Cheongju City.

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Analysis on Barriers and Resolution Priority of Sea-Rail Multimodal Logistics among Korea and Eurasia Nations (한국-유라시아간 해륙복합운송 문제점 및 해결 우선순위 분석)

  • Lee, Eon-Kyung;Lee, Suyoung;Kim, Bokyung;Euh, Seungseob
    • Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
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    • v.35 no.2
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    • pp.109-126
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    • 2019
  • The Panmunjom Declaration adopted by the leaders of South and North Korea on April 27, 2018, has created an environment conducive for peace and cooperation in the Korean Peninsula. In the June of last year, South Korea has joined the Organization for Cooperation between Railways (OSJD). The membership of OSJD has established a solid foundation for restoring a multimodal logistics system that connects the Korean peninsula to Eurasia countries, including China and Russia. In this paper, a questionnaire survey targeting working-level experts was conducted to find the barriers in constructing multimodal logistics that efficiently connect the port-continental railways of the Korean peninsula and the Eurasian nations. Survey items were divided into five categories-border crossing procedures, technology, facilities, operation, and government support. As a result, among the most important problems of international multimodal logistics in Eurasia that need to be solved on priority include improving transshipment facilities, eliminating inspection carried out at every country for transit, simplifying documents for customs clearance, and minimizing the changes in freight rates. In conclusion, for vitalizing the connection between the Korean peninsula and the continental railways, it is necessary to develop a transshipment system to facilitate the changes in tracks at the borders by making a joint effort with the international community. Second, railway and operational systems in South Korea, North Korea, China, and Russia should be standardized. Third, international cooperation among South Korea, North Korea, China, and Russia is essential for simplifying customs clearance at borders, priority departure of domestic cargo, sharing information about the changes in freight rates, and so on. Finally, the government should come up with measures to secure the quantity of cargo required to form block trains, while developing new business models.

The Gradient Variation of Thermal Environments on the Park Woodland Edge in Summer - A Study of Hadongsongrim and Hamyangsangrim - (여름철 공원 수림지 가장자리의 온열환경 기울기 변화 - 하동송림과 함양상림을 대상으로 -)

  • Ryu, Nam-Hyong;Lee, Chun-Seok
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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    • v.43 no.6
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    • pp.73-85
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    • 2015
  • This study investigated the extent and magnitude of the woodland edge effects on users' thermal environments according to distance from woodland border. A series of experiments to measure air temperature, relative humidity, wind velocity, MRT and UTCI were conducted over six days between July 31 and August 5, 2015, which corresponded with extremely hot weather, at the south-facing edge of Hadongsongrim(pure Pinus densiflora stands, tree age: $100{\pm}33yr$, tree height: $12.8{\pm}2.7m$, canopy closure: 75%, N $35^{\circ}03^{\prime}34.7^{{\prime}{\prime}}$, E $127^{\circ}44^{\prime}43.3^{{\prime}{\prime}}$, elevation 7~10m) and east-facing edge of Hamyangsangrim (Quercus serrata-Carpinus tschonoskii community, tree age: 102~125yr/58~123yr, tree height: tree layer $18.6{\pm}2.3m/subtree$ layer $5.9{\pm}3.2m/shrub$ layer $0.5{\pm}0.5m$, herbaceous layer coverage ratio 60%, canopy closure: 96%, N $35^{\circ}31^{\prime}28.1^{{\prime}{\prime}}$, E $127^{\circ}43^{\prime}09.8^{{\prime}{\prime}}$, elevation 170~180m) in rural villages of Hadong and Hamyang, Korea. The minus result value of depth means woodland's outside. The depth of edge influence(DEI) on the maximum air temperature, minimum relative humidity and wind speed at maximum air temperature time during the daytime(10:00~17:00) were detected to be $12.7{\pm}4.9$, $15.8{\pm}9.8$ and $23.8{\pm}26.2m$, respectively, in the mature evergreen conifer woodland of Hadongsongrim. These were detected to be $3.7{\pm}2.2$, $4.9{\pm}4.4$ and $2.6{\pm}7.8m$, respectively, in the deciduous broadleaf woodland of Hamyansangrim. The DEI on the maximum 10 minutes average MRT, UTCI from the three-dimensional environment absorbed by the human-biometeorological reference person during the daytime(10:00~17:00) were detected to be $7.1{\pm}1.7$ and $4.3{\pm}4.6m$, respectively, in the relatively sparse woodland of Hadongsongrim. These were detected to be $5.8{\pm}4.9$ and $3.5{\pm}4.1m$, respectively, in the dense and closed woodland of Hadongsongrim. Edge effects on the thermal environments of air temperature, relative humidity, wind speed, MRT and UTCI in the sparse woodland of Hadongsongrim were less pronounced than those recorded in densed and closed woodland of Hamyansangrim. The gradient variation was less steep for maximum 10 minutes average UTCI with at least $4.3{\pm}4.6m$(Hadongsongrim) and $3.5{\pm}4.1m$(Hamyansangrim) being required to stabilize the UTCI at mature woodlands. Therefore it is suggested that the woodlands buffer widths based on the UTCI values should be 3.5~7.6 m(Hamyansangrim) and 4.3~8.9(Hadongsongrim) m on each side of mature woodlands for users' thermal comfort environments. The woodland edge structure should be multi-layered canopies and closed edge for the buffer effect of woodland edge on woodland users' thermal comfort.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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