• Title/Summary/Keyword: bang-bang principle

Search Result 70, Processing Time 0.027 seconds

A Documentational Study on the Development of Chi-Kung-Hak (기공학(氣功學) 발달(發達)에 관한 문헌적(文獻的) 연구(硏究))

  • Kim, Woo Ho;Hong, Won Sik
    • Journal of Korean Medical classics
    • /
    • v.4
    • /
    • pp.19-73
    • /
    • 1990
  • Today, many people are more interested in preventing the disease than curing it. Chi-Kung (氣功) is the way of Life-Cultivation (養生法) peculiar to the orient, it is reported in china that Chi-Kung has an excellent curative value not only in curing the disease but also in preventing it. But the full-scale study of Chi-Kung is not be made up to now in Korea, so I studied the developmental history of chinese Chi-Kung through the oriental medical books. From this study, I reached the following conclusions ; 1. Chi-Kung is naturally derived from the self-preservation instinct to adapt oneself to circumstances of the nature, but in the investigation from the documentational records, it is originated in the treatment method of the Sam-Huang-O-Jae (三皇五帝 )period to cure the abnormal circulation of the vital force and blood caused by damp (濕). 2. As the principle and the method of the Life-Cultivation of the Chun-chu-Jeon-Kook (春秋戰國) periods were recorded in Huang-Jae-Nai-Gyung (黃帝內徑) detailly and the remedy examples by ancient Chi-Kung such as Tao-Yin (導引), Haeng-Chi (行氣) were presented, we considered that theoretical basis of the development of Life-cultivation and Chi-Kung study was furnished in that period. 3. A famous doctor, Hwa-Ta (華陀) lived in Han dynasty, researched the theory and practice of Tao-Yin transmitted from the former generations, as that result, he formed a kind of medical gymnastics what is called O-Keum-Hi (五禽戱). It is considered that 'O-Keum-Hi' is a Tao-Yin method developed more practically and systemetically than the Tao-Yin appeared in the 'Jang-Ja' (莊子) or 'Hoy-Nam-Ja' (淮南子). 4. In Wui-Jin-Nambook Jo (魏晋南北朝) periods, the contents of Chi-Kung were more abundant under the influence of Buddhism (佛敎) and Taoism (道敎). Galhong (葛洪), the author of 'Po-Bak-Ja' (抱朴子) arranged the ancient Chi-Kung method systematically first of all, Tao-Goeng-Gyung (陶宏景), the author of 'Yang-Seong-Yeun-Myung-Rok' (養性延命錄) recorded the 'Yook-Ja-Geul' (六字訣) first time. 5. There is a new development of Chi-Kung therapy in Soo-Tang-Odae (隋唐五代) pefiods, especially So-Won-Bang (巢元方), the author of 'Jey-Byung-Won-Hwu-Ron' (諸病源候論) collected aimost all of the Chi-Kung method, for curing the disease formed before soo (隋) period. From that fact, we supposed that Chi-Kung was utilized more widely in curing the disease. 6. 'So-Ju-Cheon-Hwa-Hu-Peob' (小周天火候法) was adopted as the best orthodox approach under the influence of Nae-Tan-Taoist (道敎內丹學派) in Song-Keum-Won (宋金元) periods, especially in the song dynasty, 'Pal-Dan-Geum' (八段錦) was appeared and assignment of six-Chi (六氣) for bowel and viscera in the 'Yook-Ja-Geul' (六字訣) was decided firmly, that is to say Lung-Si (肺-呬), Heart-Kha (心-呵), Spleen-Hoa (脾-呼), Liver-Hoe (肝-噓), Kidneychui (賢-吹), Three-Burner-shi (三焦-嘻). 7. In Myung-Cheong (明淸) periods, The general practitioner applied the principle of 'Byun-Jeng-Ron-Chi' (辨證論治) to the Chi-Kung field, and after Myeong dynasty the style of doing 'Yook-Ja-Gyel' (六字訣) was developed to the moving style. 8. Today, in china, the study on the Chi-Kung is being progressed constantly under the positive assistance of government, Chi-Kung-Hak (氣功學) has taking its place as a branch of study step by step. It is considered that the establishment of Chi-Kung-Hak Classroom (氣功學教室) and Medical Chi-Kung Center (氣功療法室) for special and systematic research are needed, at the same time the settlement of institutional system for training the Chi-Kung technician (氣功師) is also needed.

  • PDF

Evaluation of the Adequacy of Pain Management in the Admitted Cancer Patients (입원중인 암환자에 대한 통증관리의 적절성평가 - 한 3차 의료기관 내과 전공의를 대상으로 -)

  • Kim, Kuk-Hyoe;Jang, Won-Il;Joh, Yo-Han;Choi, In-Sil;Park, Sook-Ryun;Lee, Sang-Yoon;Kim, Jee-Hyun;Kim, Do-Yeun;Lee, Se-Hoon;Kim, Tae-You;Bang, Yung-Jue;Kim, Noe-Kyeong;Heo, Dae-Seog
    • Journal of Hospice and Palliative Care
    • /
    • v.4 no.2
    • /
    • pp.137-144
    • /
    • 2001
  • Purpose : Pain is the most serious symptom that cancer patients experience. About $60{\sim}90%$ of advanced cancer patients and four million patients worldwide, according to the WHO statistics, are reported to suffer from cancer pain. Although about $70{\sim}80%$ of the pain could be controlled according to the pain control principles, to our regret, only $30{\sim}40%$ are managed appropriately. This research was aimed to (1) investigates the prevalence of pain among cancer patients, (2) compare patients' perception of pain with physician's recognition and (3) evaluate appropriateness of the doctor's prescription of analgesic. Materials and Methods : Patients with advanced or terminal cancers admitted at department of internal medicine of Seoul National University Hospital for at least 7 days were enrolled. A questionnaire for the patients and the physicians in charge were given and the answers were compared for each other. We also examined their medical records and the physician's orders. Results : Total 59 patients were enrolled. Among them, 43 patients answered the questionnaire, and 27 patients (62.8%) suffered hem cancer pain. The survey also showed that physicians underestimated the severity of pain, overlooked frequently analgesic prescription principle, and that as the patients' pain became severe, the less adequate was pain managements. Conclusion : For cancer patients, pain was frequently overlooked, and treatment still inadequate. Based on this evidence, it seemed that more active practice and education about evaluation and management of cancer pain are needed.

  • PDF

Clinical Experience of the Surgical Treatment of Cardiac Tumor (심장 종양의 수술적인 치료의 임상적 고찰)

  • Bang, Jung-Hee;Woo, Jong-Soo;Choi, Pill-Jo;Cho, Gwang-Jo;Kim, Si-Ho;Park, Kwon-Jae
    • Journal of Chest Surgery
    • /
    • v.43 no.4
    • /
    • pp.375-380
    • /
    • 2010
  • Background: Primary cardiac tumors are extremely rare. The most common type are benign myxomas, and these are almost completely curable with early surgery. Malignant tumors, however, such as sarcomas, are difficult to remove surgically, and their prognosis is known to be poor. In this study, data on patients who had undergone surgical treatment of cardiac tumor in the authors' hospital were collected and analyzed. Material and Method: The subjects included 28 patients who had undergone surgical treatment of cardiac tumor from August 1993 to December 2008. Their medical records were reviewed and retrospectively analyzed. Result: The patients were aged from 20 to 76 years (mean age: $54.2{\pm}15.6$), and 11 were male (39%) and 17 female (61%). Fifteen of them (54%) underwent emergency surgery to improve heart failure symptoms. The most common preoperative symptom was dyspnea (15 cases, 54%). Preoperative echocardiography was performed on all the patients. The average size of the tumor as measured during the operation was $7.0{\pm}6.9cm$ (the average length of the long axis was 2∼40 cm), and the sites of tumor attachment were the interatrial septum (18 cases, 64%), the left atrium (9 cases, 32%), the mitral valve annulus (2 cases, 7%), and the left ventricle (2 cases, 7%). The operation was performed with an incision through both atria in all the patients, and a complete excision was made in 25 cases (89%). According to the biopsy results, there were 4 cases of sarcoma (14%), 1 case of lipoma (4%), and 23 cases of myxoma (82%). The three cases in which the tumors were not completely excised were sarcomas. No operative deaths occurred after the operations. Outpatient follow-up was possible for 24 cases (86%), with a mean follow-up period of $46.8{\pm}42.7$ months. Late death occurred in 3 of the 24 patients; each of these patients had sarcomas. Of these patients, the first had undergone two repeat surgeries, the second had metastatic sites removed, and the last had only chemotherapy. The average recurrence time was $12.7{\pm}10.8$ months, and the average metastasis time was $20.5{\pm}16.8$ months. Conclusion: Most cardiac tumors are benign myxomas. In principle, they should be surgically treated because they can create risks such as embolism, and can be radically treated when surgically removed. In most cases, however, malignant sarcomas are already considerably advanced with severe infiltration into the neighboring tissues at the time of diagnosis. The surgical removal of malignant sarcomas is known to be difficult because of the advanced stage and degree of infiltration. We suggest that excision of the removable portion of the tumor sites to alleviate symptoms such as heart failure can improve quality of life.

${\ll}$황제내경(黃帝內經)${\gg}$ 의 심(心)의 개념(槪念)과 장상(藏象)에 대한 연구(硏究)

  • Lee Yong-Beom;Bang Jeong-Gyun
    • Journal of Korean Medical classics
    • /
    • v.13 no.1
    • /
    • pp.269-303
    • /
    • 2000
  • The xin(心) has various meanings in ${\ll}$Huangdineijing(黃帝內經)${\gg}$ but they sometimes contradict each other. This thesis divided the xin into the meaning and the Zang-xiang(藏象), and then analyzed the xin's notion in detail. The concept of the xin in ${\ll}$Huangdineijing(黃帝內經)${\gg}$ is sorted out into : the notion of space, yin-yang five elements(陰陽五行) and shen(神) The xin is the upper part of body and it possesses the character of yang(陽). So the concept of the breast has originated from this character and it rightly belonged to the top. The xin is assigned to fire among five elements, 'chang(長)', which has the energy of moving forward, noon at a day when yang-qi(陽氣) is properous and shows 'gu(鉤)' & 'keo(矩)' in pulse condition. The xin possesses the character, 'Taiyang of the yang(陽中之太陽)' along with the notion of space combined with five elements. That is, the notion of upper space means 'of the yang(陽中)', and, fire in five elements means 'yang'. This is similar to '=(Taiyang)' of Sasang(四象) at ${\ll}$the Book of Changes(周易)${\gg}$ Since the xin puts shen(神) in order, actions of spirit have effect on the xin. And it depends whether the sense of vitality is broad or narrow. The xin related with broad sense of spirit is 'monarch of the organs(君主之官)'. Therefore it has control over the human body. As it also directly effects the life or death, Pericardium(心句) substitutes the xin and protects the external invasion. In Shi-er-won(十二原) and Bonsu(本輸), instead of the Xin Channel the Pericardium Channel was used in healing patients. The xin can be interpretable as the mind, because the xin includes spirit. The mind can be distinguished into 'desire' and 'state of profound reason'. In ${\ll}$Huangdineijing(黃帝內徑)${\gg}$, the disease of the xin caused by emotion was mentioned many times. This emotion is 'desire' which resorted to the sentiment. The reason one mind has both character is; man preserves given principle (reason) and emotion reveals via the reason exercised. The above is about the xin related with the broad sense of vitality. Concerning the narrow sense of vitality, one of the five vitalities is stored with the others away in the five solid organs. Then it takes part in the operation of five body constituents and it is linked with the personified description of five solid organs. The xin, spleen, stomach and kidney are 'the ground of life'. Spleen and stomach are the origin of making qi and blood, which 'means the ground after birth'. Kidney keeps the essence of life, and manages the growing and generative function of human body. The xin keeps 'Shin-myung(神明)', in other words, it has control over and supervise whole activity of body. Therefore xin's role is needed for the appropriate working of spleen, stomach and kidney. And 'Shin-myung' is its motive power. In ${\ll}$Huangdineijing(黃帝內經)${\gg}$, the reason why xin was assigned to September and October is that yang-qi of the human body goes to the inner part, with xin at the same time. This explains that yang-qi of the human body is adapted to change of season and goes into xin-fire(心火) in order to get away from the cold. In this case, heart means more inner part than liver, spleen and lung. Mengzi(孟子), philosopher of the China's turbulent ages emphasized the thinking function of xin. Sunzi(荀子) asserted that xin is 'heaven monarch(天君)' and the other organs are 'heaven rninisters(天官)'. This conception is similar to 'monarch of the organs' of ${\ll}$Huangdineijing(黃帝內經)${\gg}$. After the Ming Dynasty, commentators of Huangdineijing(黃帝內經) explained the heart, as 'monarch of the organs', or 'the master of body(一身之主)'. This was due to the influence of Sung Confucianism.

  • PDF

Development of a Simple and Reproducible Method for Removal of Contaminants from Ginseng Protein Samples Prior to Proteomics Analysis (활성탄을 이용한 불순물제거에 의한 효과적인 인삼 조직 단백질체 분석 방법 개선 연구)

  • Gupta, Ravi;Kim, So Wun;Min, Chul Woo;Sung, Gi-Ho;Agrawal, Ganesh Kumar;Rakwal, Randeep;Jo, Ick Hyun;Bang, Kyong Hwan;Kim, Young-Chang;Kim, Kee-Hong;Kim, Sun Tae
    • Journal of Life Science
    • /
    • v.25 no.7
    • /
    • pp.826-832
    • /
    • 2015
  • This study describes the effects of activated charcoal on the removal of salts, detergents, and pigments from protein extracts of ginseng leaves and roots. Incubation of protein extracts with 5% (w/v) activated charcoal (100-400 mesh) for 30 min at 4℃ almost removed the salts and detergents including NP-40 as can be observed on SDS-PAGE. In addition, analysis of chlorophyll content showed significant depletion of chlorophyll (~33%) after activated charcoal treatment, suggesting potential effect of activated charcoal on removal of pigments too along with the salts and detergents. 2-DE analysis of activated charcoal treated protein samples showed better resolution of proteins, further indicating the efficacy of activated charcoal in clearing of protein samples. In case of root proteins, although not major differences were observed on SDS-PAGE, 2-DE gels showed better resolution of spots after charcoal treatment. In addition, both Hierarchical clustering (HCL) and Principle component analysis (PCA) clearly separated acetone sample from rest of the samples. Phenol and AC-phenol samples almost overlapped each other suggesting no major differences between these samples. Overall, these results showed that activated charcoal can be used in a simple manner to remove the salts, detergents and pigments from the protein extracts of various plant tissues.

The Zhouyi and Artificial Intelligence (『주역』과 인공지능)

  • Bang, In
    • Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
    • /
    • v.145
    • /
    • pp.91-117
    • /
    • 2018
  • This paper aims to clarify the similarities and differences between the Zhouyi and artificial intelligence. The divination of the Zhouyi is rooted in the oldest system of human knowledge, while artificial intelligence stands at the cutting edge of modern scientific revolution. At first sight, there does not appear to be any association that links the one to the another. However, they share the same ground as seen from a semiotic standpoint because both of them depend on the semiotic system as a means of obtaining knowledge. At least four aspects can be pointed out in terms of similarities. First, artificial intelligence and the Zhouyi use artificial language that consists of semiotic signs. Secondly, the principle that enables divination and artificial intelligence lies in imitation and representation. Thirdly, artificial intelligence and the Zhouyi carry out inferences based on mathematical algorithms that adopt the binary system. Fourth, artificial intelligence and the Zhouyi use analogy as a means of obtaining knowledge. However, those similarities do not guarantee that the Zhouyi could arrive at the scientific certainty. Nevertheless, it can give us important insight into the essence of our civilization. The Zhouyi uses intellect in order to get new information about the unknown world. However, it is hard to know what kind of intellect is involved in the process of divination. Likewise, we do not know the fundamental character of artificial intelligence. The intellect hidden in the unknown subject is a mystic and fearful existence to us. Just as the divination of the Zhouyi inspires the sense of reverence toward the supernatural subject, we could not but have fear in front of the invisible subject hidden in artificial intelligence. In the past, traditional philosophy acknowledged the existence of intellect only in conscious beings. Nonetheless, it becomes evident that human civilization ushers into a new epoch. As Ray Kurzweil mentioned, the moment of singularity comes when artificial intelligence surpasses human intelligence. In my viewpoint, the term of singularity can be used for denoting the critical point in which the human species enters into the new phase of civilization. To borrow the term of Shao Yong(邵雍) in the Northern Song Dynasty, the past civilization belongs to the Earlier Heaven(先天), the future civilization belongs to the Later Heaven(後天). Once our civilization passes over the critical point, it is impossible to go back into the past. The opening of the Later Heaven foretold by the religious thinkers in the late period of Joseon Dynasty was a prophecy in its own age, but it is becoming a reality in the present.

The Reinterpretation and its Prospect about Resentment Solution and Coexistence in The 4th Industrial Revolution Era (4차 산업혁명 시대에 있어서 해원상생의 재해석과 지평)

  • Kim, Bang-ryong
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
    • /
    • v.29
    • /
    • pp.37-68
    • /
    • 2017
  • This paper critically examines the role and function of religion prior to the full-out advent of the 4th industrial revolution. We can understand 'The vision of Daesoon Jinrihoe (大巡眞理會)' as a mission to foresee and create a prospective figure for a future society in the person of the Lord on High, Jeungsan (甑山) as a religious dimension. However, the existence ground of religion relies on giving positive meaning to the present time after reinterpreting religious doctrine to reflect changing realities. Jeungsan (甑山) said that the age to come is 'the age of the human majesty (人尊)'. This means that humans will take the lead and control the revolution of scientific technology to progress and benefit humanity. Problems such as 'human alienatio', 'increased polarization', and 'destruction of the environment' still arise and deepen because the motive of 'the Industrial Revolution' was built upon 'knowledge' within the context of a Knowledge-Based Society. Therefore, we can say that the role of religion will newly rise to the forefront in the era of the 4th industrial revolution. Consequently, religion should face matters squarely and suggest viable alternatives. This paper deals with reinterpreting the concept of 'the resolution of grievances for mutual beneficence (解冤相生)', one of the four teachings of Daesoon Jinrihoe, within the context of the coming era of the 4th industrial revolution. My research is divided into the following three parts: First, I determined the teachings of Daesoon Jinrihoe and the original meaning of 'the resolution of grievances for mutual beneficence', and then I disclosed the way we can reinterpret the general meaning of this concept for application in the ear of the 4th industrial revolution. Second, from the perspective of the religious dimension, I inquired into factors regarding alienation and conflict in the era of the 4th industrial revolution. I focused on human alienation from labor, identity confusion, potential conflicts between humans and post-humans, and the characteristics of the 4th industrial revolution. Third, I examined potential cures for alienation and conflict through the principle of the resolution of grievances for mutual beneficence. I tried to enlarge the interpretive prospects of Daesoon's main teaching in light of the era of the 4th industrial revolution through a new interpretation and application that employs the concept of 'the resolution of grievances for mutual beneficence (解冤相生)' in order to cure the alienation and conflict.

Collision of New and Old Control Ideologies, Witnessed through the Moving of Jeong-regun (Tomb of Queen Sindeok) and Repair of Gwangtong-gyo (정릉(貞陵) 이장과 광통교(廣通橋) 개수를 통해 본 조선 초기 지배 이데올로기의 대립)

  • Nam, Hohyun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
    • /
    • v.53 no.4
    • /
    • pp.234-249
    • /
    • 2020
  • The dispute involving the construction of the Tomb of Queen Sindeok (hereinafter "Jeongreung"), King Taejo's wife in Seoul, and the moving of that tomb, represents the most clearly demonstrated case for the collision of new and old ideologies between political powers in the early period of Joseon. Jeongreung, the tomb of Queen Sindeok from the Kang Clan, was built inside the capital fortress, but in 1409, King Taejong forced the tomb to be moved outside the capital, and the stone relics remaining at the original location were used to build the stone bridge, Gwangtong-gyo. In an unofficial story, King Taejong moved the tomb outside the capital and used the stone items there to make the Cheonggyecheon Gwang-gyo so that the people would step upon the area in order to curse Lady Kang. In the final year of King Taejo, Lady Kang and King Taejong were in a politically conflictual relationship, but they were close to being political partners until King Taejo became the king. Sillok records pertaining to the establishment of Jeongreung or Gwangtong-gyo in fact state things more plainly, indicating that the moving of Jeongreung was a result of following the sangeon (a written statement to the king) of Uijeongbu (the highest administrative agency in Joseon), which stated that having the tomb of a king or queen in the capital was inappropriate, and since it was close to the official quarter of envoys, it had to be moved. The assertion that it was aimed at degrading Jeongreung in order to repair Gwangtong-gyo thus does not reflect the factual relationship. This article presents the possibility that the use of stone items from Jeongreung to repair Gwangtong-gyo reflected an emerging need for efficient material procurement that accompanied a drastic increase in demand for materials required in civil works both in- and outside the capital. The cause for constructing Jeongreung within the capital and the cause of moving the tomb outside the capital would therefore be attributable to the heterogeneity of the ideological backgrounds of King Taejo and King Taejong. King Taejo was the ruler of the Confucius state, as he reigned through the Yeokseong Revolution, but he constructed the tomb and Hongcheon-sa, the temple in the capital for his wife Queen Sindeok. In this respect, it is considered that, with the power of Buddhism, there was an attempt to rally supporters and gather the force needed to establish the authority of Queen Sindeok. Yi Seong-gye, who was raised in the Dorugachi clan of Yuan, lived as a military man in the border area, and so he would not have had a high level of understanding in Confucian scholarship. Rather, he was a man of the old system with its 'Buddhist" tendency. On the other hand, King Taejong Yi Bang-won was an elite Confucian student who passed the national examination at the end of the Goryeo era, and he is also known to have held a profound understanding of Neo-Confucianism. To state it differently, it would be reasonable to say that the understanding of symbolic implications for the capital would be more profound in a Confucian state. Since the national system that was ruled by laws had been established following the Three-Kingdom era, the principle of burial outside of the capital that would have seen a grave constructed on the outskirts of the capital was not upheld, without exception. Jeongreung was built inside the capital due to the strong individual desire of King Taejo, but since he was a Confucian scholar prior to becoming king, it would not have been accepted as desirable. After taking the throne, King Taejong took the initiative to begin overhauling the capital in order to reflect his intent to clearly realize Confucian ideology emphasizing 'Yechi' ("ruling with good manners") with the scenic view of the Capital's Hanyang river. It would be reasonable to conclude accordingly that the moving of Jeongreung was undertaken in the context of such a historic background.

Discussion on the Necessity of the Study on the Principle of 'How to Mark an Era in Almanac Method of Tiāntǐlì(天體曆)' Formed until Han dynasty (한대(漢代) 이전에 형성된 천체력(天體曆) 기년(紀年) 원리 고찰의 필요성에 대한 소론(小論))

  • Seo, Jeong-Hwa
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
    • /
    • no.72
    • /
    • pp.365-400
    • /
    • 2018
  • The signs of $G{\bar{a}}nzh{\bar{i}}$(干支: the sexagesimal calendar system) almanac, which marked each year, month, day and time with 60 ordinal number marks made by combining 10 $Ti{\bar{a}}ng{\bar{a}}ns$(天干: the decimal notation to mark date) and 12 $D{\grave{i}}zh{\bar{i}}s$(地支 : the duodecimal notation to mark date), were used not only as the sign of the factors affecting the occurrence of a disease and treatment in the area of traditional oriental medicine, but also as the indicator of prejudging fortunes in different areas of future prediction techniques.(for instance, astrology, the theory of divination based on topography, four pillars of destiny and etc.) While theories of many future predictive technologies with this $G{\bar{a}}nzh{\bar{i}}$(干支) almanac signs as the standard had been established in many ways by Han dynasty, it is difficult to find almanac discussion later on the fundamental theory of 'how it works like that'. As for the method to mark the era of $Ti{\bar{a}}nt{\check{i}}l{\grave{i}}$(天體曆: a calendar made with the sidereal period of Jupiter and the Sun), which determines the name of a year depending on where $Su{\grave{i}}x{\bar{i}}ng$(歲星: Jupiter) is among the '12 positions of zodiac', there are three main ways of $$Su{\grave{i}}x{\bar{i}}ng-J{\grave{i}}ni{\acute{a}}nf{\check{a}}$$(歲星紀年法: the way to mark an era by the location of Jupiter on the celestial sphere), $$T{\grave{a}}isu{\grave{i}}-J{\grave{i}}ni{\acute{a}}nf{\check{a}}$$ (太歲紀年法: the way to mark an era by the location facing the location of Jupiter on the celestial sphere) and $$G{\bar{a}}nzh{\bar{i}}-J{\grave{i}}ni{\acute{a}}nf{\check{a}}$$(干支紀年法: the way to mark an era with Ganzhi marks). Regarding $$G{\bar{a}}nzh{\bar{i}}-J{\grave{i}}ni{\acute{a}}nf{\check{a}}$$(干支紀年法), which is actually the same way to mark an era as $$T{\grave{a}}isu{\grave{i}}-J{\grave{i}}ni{\acute{a}}nf{\check{a}}$$(太歲紀年法) with the only difference in the name, there are more than three ways, and one of them has continued to be used in China, Korea and so on since Han dynasty. The name of year of $G{\bar{a}}nzh{\bar{i}}$(干支) this year, 2018, has become $W{\grave{u}}-X{\bar{u}}$(戊戌) just by 'accident'. Therefore, in this discussion, the need to realize this situation was emphasized in different areas of traditional techniques of future prediction in which distinct theories have been established with the $G{\bar{a}}nzh{\bar{i}}$(干支) mark of year, month, day and time. Because of the 1 sidereal period of Jupiter, which is a little bit shorter than 12 years, once about one thousand years, 'the location of Jupiter on the zodiac' and 'the name of a year of 12 $D{\grave{i}}zh{\bar{i}}s$(地支) marks' accord with each other just for about 85 years, and it has been verified that recent dozens of years are the very period. In addition, appropriate methods of observing the the twenty-eight lunar mansions were elucidated. As $G{\bar{a}}nzh{\bar{i}}$(干支) almanac is related to the theoretical foundation of traditional medical practice as well as various techniques of future prediction, in-depth study on the fundamental theory of ancient $Ti{\bar{a}}nt{\check{i}}l{\grave{i}}$(天體曆) cannot be neglected for the succession and development of traditional oriental study and culture, too.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
    • /
    • v.22 no.1
    • /
    • pp.19-48
    • /
    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

  • PDF